[AMV] #974 Black voter suppression

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Op vrijdag 4 juni 2021 10:40 schreef Tijger_m het volgende:

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Ik denk dat het accurater is om te stellen dat men Democratische stemmers wil benadelen dan dat het racistisch gemotiveerd is.

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Article 1 of the Convention defines "racial discrimination" as:

... any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.[22]

Bron

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Op vrijdag 4 juni 2021 16:12 schreef MoreDakka het volgende:

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Ook niet, want er staat dit:
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En dat is in dit geval geen van deze, het gaat puur om politieke affiliatie. Er zijn constant pogingen om het begrip racisme verder op te rekken, daar moet je heel bedacht op zijn.

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Op vrijdag 4 juni 2021 19:58 schreef klappernootopreis het volgende:
Trump heeft officieel een ban gekregen van twee jaar van Facebook. Ik vraag me af of Twitter hem dezelfde voorkeursbehandeling geeft.

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Op vrijdag 4 juni 2021 22:04 schreef MoreDakka het volgende:

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Nee, maar het is ook niet zo heel relevant verder. Het is vooral anti-democratisch en dat is genoeg reden om tegen dat soort praktijken te zijn.

Het probleem is dat er een enorme logische valkuil zit in het idee dat alleen de uitkomst van een wet of beleid er toe zou doen. Je zou bijvoorbeeld dan ook kunnen zeggen dat het racistisch is dat bijna alle zwarte mensen (die stemmen) Democratisch stemmen. Dat is de uitkomst.

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Op vrijdag 4 juni 2021 22:28 schreef MoreDakka het volgende:

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Nee, dat is het dus niet. Als je het niet kunt aan tonen dan klopt je aanname gewoon niet. Je blijft het maar opzichtig proberen.

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Op vrijdag 4 juni 2021 22:32 schreef MoreDakka het volgende:

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Dat doe ik helemaal niet.

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Op vrijdag 4 juni 2021 22:53 schreef MoreDakka het volgende:

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Nee, want dat is niet de basis voor het beleid.

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Op vrijdag 4 juni 2021 23:01 schreef SnertMetChoco het volgende:
Deze zaken zijn herhaaldelijk bij de SC gekomen. Maar laat ik de boel niet spoilen.

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In Donald J. Trump’s final weeks in office, Mark Meadows, his chief of staff, repeatedly pushed the Justice Department to investigate unfounded conspiracy theories about the 2020 presidential election, according to newly uncovered emails provided to Congress, portions of which were reviewed by The New York Times.

In five emails sent during the last week of December and early January, Mr. Meadows asked Jeffrey A. Rosen, then the acting attorney general, to examine debunked claims of election fraud in New Mexico and an array of baseless conspiracies that held that Mr. Trump had been the actual victor. That included a fantastical theory that people in Italy had used military technology and satellites to remotely tamper with voting machines in the United States and switch votes for Mr. Trump to votes for Joseph R. Biden Jr.

None of the emails show Mr. Rosen agreeing to open the investigations suggested by Mr. Meadows, and former officials and people close to him said that he did not do so. An email to another Justice Department official indicated that Mr. Rosen had refused to broker a meeting between the F.B.I. and a man who had posted videos online promoting the Italy conspiracy theory, known as Italygate.

But the communications between Mr. Meadows and Mr. Rosen, which have not previously been reported, show the increasingly urgent efforts by Mr. Trump and his allies during his last days in office to find some way to undermine, or even nullify, the election results while he still had control of the government.

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Matthew Kaiser, an attorney for Swalwell, said Sunday evening that "a private investigator had left the papers with Brooks' wife at their home," per CNN.

Philip Andonian, another attorney for Swalwell, told CNN the allegation that the papers were served improperly was "untrue." Kaiser added he looked forward to "reading the papers" should Brooks contest the matter in court.

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During the roughly 40-minute call, Giuliani repeatedly told Yermak that Zelensky should publicly announce investigations into possible corruption by Biden in Ukraine, and into claims that Ukraine meddled in the 2016 election to hurt Trump. (These separate claims are both untrue.)

"All we need from the President [Zelensky] is to say, I'm gonna put an honest prosecutor in charge, he's gonna investigate and dig up the evidence, that presently exists and is there any other evidence about involvement of the 2016 election, and then the Biden thing has to be run out," Giuliani said, according to the audio. "... Somebody in Ukraine's gotta take that seriously."

The new audio demonstrates how Giuliani aggressively cajoled the Ukrainians to do Trump's bidding. And it undermines Trump's oft-repeated assertion that "there was no quid pro quo" where Zelensky could secure US government support if he did political favors for Trump.

The call was one of the opening salvos in the years-long quest by Trump and his allies to damage Biden and subvert the 2020 election process -- by soliciting foreign meddling, lying about voter fraud, attempting to overturn the results, and inciting the deadly January 6 assault on the Capitol.

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On Wednesday, I depart for Europe on the first foreign travel of my presidency. It is a trip stacked with meetings with many of our closest democratic partners — including the Group of Seven nations, our NATO allies and the leadership of the European Union — before concluding by meeting with Vladimir Putin. In this moment of global uncertainty, as the world still grapples with a once-in-a-century pandemic, this trip is about realizing America’s renewed commitment to our allies and partners, and demonstrating the capacity of democracies to both meet the challenges and deter the threats of this new age.

Whether it is ending the covid-19 pandemic everywhere, meeting the demands of an accelerating climate crisis, or confronting the harmful activities of the governments of China and Russia, the United States must lead the world from a position of strength. Thanks to the American Rescue Plan and our domestic vaccination strategy, our economy is now growing faster than at any time in almost 40 years. We have created more jobs in the first four months of our administration than under any other president. Wages are increasing for American workers. And, as America’s economic recovery helps to propel the global economy, we will be stronger and more capable when we are flanked by nations that share our values and our vision for the future — by other democracies.

That’s the agenda I will advance at every stop. In the United Kingdom, after meeting with Prime Minister Boris Johnson to affirm the special relationship between our nations, I will participate in the G-7 summit. This group of leading democracies and economies has not met in person in two years due to the coronavirus. Ending this pandemic, improving health security for all nations and driving a robust, inclusive global economic recovery will be our top priorities.

Already, the G-7 finance ministers have made an unprecedented commitment to build momentum for a global minimum tax rate of at least 15 percent to end the race-to-the-bottom on corporate taxation. And with the United States back in the chair on the issue of climate change, we have an opportunity to deliver ambitious progress that curbs the climate crisis and creates jobs by driving a global clean-energy transition.

Just as it does at home, honing the ability of democracies to compete and protecting our people against unforeseen threats requires us to invest in infrastructure. The world’s major democracies will be offering a high-standard alternative to China for upgrading physical, digital and health infrastructure that is more resilient and supports global development.

As new technologies reshape our world in fundamental ways, exposing vulnerabilities like ransomware attacks and creating threats such as invasive AI-driven surveillance, the democracies of the world must together ensure that our values govern the use and development of these innovations — not the interests of autocrats.

Those shared democratic values are the foundation of the most successful alliance in world history. In Brussels, at the NATO summit, I will affirm the United States’ unwavering commitment to Article 5 and to ensuring our alliance is strong in the face of every challenge, including threats like cyberattacks on our critical infrastructure.

While in Brussels, I’ll meet with the president of the European Commission and the president of the European Council to discuss how the United States and Europe can work in close coordination on global challenges. We will focus on ensuring that market democracies, not China or anyone else, write the 21st-century rules around trade and technology. And we will continue to pursue the goal of a Europe whole, free and at peace.

So, when I meet with Vladimir Putin in Geneva, it will be after high-level discussions with friends, partners and allies who see the world through the same lens as the United States, and with whom we have renewed our connections and shared purpose. We are standing united to address Russia’s challenges to European security, starting with its aggression in Ukraine, and there will be no doubt about the resolve of the United States to defend our democratic values, which we cannot separate from our interests.

In my phone calls with President Putin, I have been clear and direct. The United States does not seek conflict. We want a stable and predictable relationship where we can work with Russia on issues like strategic stability and arms control. That’s why I acted immediately to extend the New START treaty for five years and bolster the security of the American people and the world.

At the same time, I have also imposed meaningful consequences for behaviors that violate U.S. sovereignty, including interference in our democratic elections. And President Putin knows that I will not hesitate to respond to future harmful activities. When we meet, I will again underscore the commitment of the United States, Europe and like-minded democracies to stand up for human rights and dignity.

This is a defining question of our time: Can democracies come together to deliver real results for our people in a rapidly changing world? Will the democratic alliances and institutions that shaped so much of the last century prove their capacity against modern-day threats and adversaries? I believe the answer is yes. And this week in Europe, we have the chance to prove it.

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Op woensdag 9 juni 2021 00:24 schreef MoreDakka het volgende:
Het is natuurlijk niet goed dat iemand in 10 jaar van gedachten kan veranderen

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Op woensdag 9 juni 2021 09:35 schreef MoreDakka het volgende:
Er valt genoeg aan te merken op de For the People Act.

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Op woensdag 9 juni 2021 20:55 schreef MoreDakka het volgende:

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Nee, Manchin is voor de John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act.
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