https://militaryland.net/article/opinion-syrskyi-needs-to-resign/Opinion: Syrskyi Needs to Resign
In February, it will mark two years since General Oleksandr Syrskyi took over Ukraine’s defense forces, replacing Valery Zaluzhny as commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. On the eve of Russian forces being sighted in Svyatohirsk near the key city of Slovyansk, and with further advances toward Zaporizhzhia, it is time to say what many think: Syirskyi needs to go.
One Lost Battle After AnotherIf we look at the map when Syrskyi was appointed commander, we can see the front line was far from where it is now. Heavy battles raged for Avdiivka, Ukrainian forces held two well-fortified towns in the south—Vuhledar and Krasnohorivka—the enemy had not advanced even a meter in the Toretsk direction, and battles were fought for Serebryansky forest.
You can read our Invasion Day 665 summary article covering the frontline situation in December 2024—one month before Syrskyi’s appointment as commander-in-chief, when plans to replace Zaluzhnyi were already underway.
The situation was not easy; it never has been since February 2022. Yet President Zelenskyy decided on a bold move: to dismiss Zaluzhny and his entire staff. Many experienced commanders were removed from their positions. People like Zabrodsky, Myrnohradsky, and Shaptala, who were the future of the Ukrainian Army, are now in reserve. Almost 20 experienced leaders—officers in the General Staff, commanders of separate branches—all were dismissed. Furthermore, Syrskyi dismissed several brigade commanders, which led to confusion on the front, resulting in botched rotations and the loss of several positions.
Manpower Is the KeyWhat matters most, however, is the casualty ratio, not how much territory was lost. Syrskyi’s leadership has effectively crippled the defense forces. His rigid approach, which resembles Soviet doctrine, has led to hundreds of unnecessary casualties. He fights the enemy by force, not by mind.
His predecessor Zaluzhny understood the fundamental fact that he was fighting an unequal war, that Russia has, compared to Ukraine, virtually unlimited manpower reserves. He fought only battles he could win, carefully planned each step, and withdrew when the fight was not worth it. He valued the lives of Ukrainian soldiers. His successor, Oleksandr Syrskyi, does exactly the opposite. He sends units to recover lost positions against fortified enemy defenses, does not withdraw troops until they are almost encircled, and rewards those who accomplish his goals even when the unit was rendered combat-ineffective during the operation.
Even before his appointment as commander-in-chief, when he led the Khortytsia Operational Strategic Group responsible for the Bakhmut area, several brigades lost their combat capability under his command. He only managed to delay the inevitable: the loss of Bakhmut. The battles for Bakhmut, Klishchivka, Soledar, and Kurdyumivka gave rise to the idea of Syrskyi as a commander who does not count the losses—the butcher.
His approach, which he continues to apply to this day, has resulted in crippled defense forces that are no longer able to conduct offensive operations and what worse, unable to field enough troops to occupy defensive positions.
The Presidential EarWhile the official reason for Zaluzhny’s dismissal was the failed summer offensive in 2023, that was only a secondary reason. Zelenskyy favored Syrskyi, often visited him at the front, and listened to him. Together, they sidelined Zaluzhny. Not only was Zaluzhny forced to launch the offensive under pressure from Zelenskyy and Western partners, but Zelenskyy also allowed Syrskyi to use elements of the 9th Army Corps for the defense of Bakhmut, which weakened offensive potential.
The dismissal of Syrskyi would also be a loss for Zelenskyy, and that is the only reason why Syrskyi is still in charge. It is no longer about military affairs—he stays purely for political reasons.
Loyalty Above AllSyrskyi’s approach to command has been widely criticized among Ukrainian defenders. He not only fails to value the lives of soldiers but micromanages troops, which leads to confusion, lost positions, and loss of life. Already last summer, MilitaryLand wrote about how Syrskyi micromanages troops and ignore losses.
In 2025, Syrskyi created a new type of force: Assault Troops. These units are directly subordinated to Syrskyi; they are not part of corps formations or operational commands. Assault units have replaced the role of Air Assault Troops, which have been demoted to better infantry. There is no doubt that Assault Troops include highly effective combat units, such as the 33rd and 225th Assault Regiments, but their success stems from the preferential treatment they receive.
Meanwhile, many of Ukraine’s mechanized brigades, especially those formed before the full-scale invasion, are now severely depleted. Some operate at just 30 percent of their intended manpower, such as the 30th Mechanized Brigade and 72nd Mechanized Brigade. Some mechanized brigades do not even have a single main battle tank at their disposal. Ukrainian Territorial Defense forces are in even more dire condition.
Despite this fact, Syrskyi continues to expand his assault forces, which have priority for mobilized soldiers and Western equipment.
Kursk as the Only Success?The Kursk operation caught Russian forces off guard. The first days of the operation, executed by Air Assault Forces and Assault Troops of the Ground Forces, caused panic among the Russians, and Ukrainian forces were able to advance deep into Russian territory and capture prisoners. However, the moment the enemy managed to stabilize the situation and call in reinforcements was the moment Ukrainian forces should have withdrawn to preserve manpower and equipment. Instead, drunk on fame, Syrskyi insisted on holding ground at all costs. His decision led to hundreds of casualties, hundreds of lost equipment pieces, in an operation that in the end did not bring the desired result—to weaken Russian forces in the Donbas and stabilize the front.
The enemy continued to advance in the Donbas, and Ukrainian defenders soon missed the forces that had been withdrawn from the front line in the east and committed to Kursk. His decision to hold Kursk as long as possible allowed Russian forces to approach Pokrovsk and advance into Dnipropetrovsk Oblast—something unthinkable when Syrskyi took over the Ukrainian Army.
Unable to Find CompromiseWhat also differs Syrskyi and Zaluzhny is the ability to find compromise, to find common ground. After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Zaluzhny knew that one of the key things that would lead to victory was unity. He was able to sit with all leaders of volunteer units and convince them to join the Army. The Ukrainian Volunteer Corps (DUK), which had several volunteer battalions under its command, formed the 67th Mechanized Brigade. Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists volunteer units (OUN) joined the 71st Jaeger Brigade. The Ukrainian National Assembly (UNA-UNSO) had its own units as well.
When the commander of the 1st Assault Battalion, Dmytro Kutsiubailo, was killed and a funeral was held in Kyiv, Zaluzhny knelt at his funeral, just like any other Ukrainian civilian.
Syrskyi, on the other hand, requires strict discipline from commanders. When he took the helm, he disbanded the core of the 67th Mechanized Brigade, which was composed of volunteers, because they dared to question his orders. Instead of finding compromise, he decided to disband them and effectively destroyed a unit that was formed by volunteers.
He visits only front-line units that have shown loyalty, that accomplish tasks without question. Units that question orders or propose different solutions are often met with punitive measures. In many cases, this begins with an internal audit of the brigade and ends with the dismissal of its commander.
Syrskyis ReplacementThere are multiple candidates rumored as Syrskyi’s replacement. Any future candidate for commander-in-chief depends on whether Zelenskyy stays in office, with elections expected once peace is signed. The leading candidate, favored by both the military and the public, is the commander of the Joint Task Force, Major General Mykhailo Drapatyi. As commander of the Joint Task Force, Drapatyi demonstrated his high capabilities during the recent counterattack near Kupyansk—one of the few operations that did not involve head-on assaults against fortified positions, but instead bypassed Russian defenses. His difficulty is that he has a conscience and is unable to fight the rotten system on his own. He is a capable commander, but needs space and the
trust of those above him.
Another candidate is the commander of the 3rd Army Corps, Brigadier General Andriy Biletskyi. He is praised for his work and innovations with the 3rd Assault Brigade and now the 3rd Army Corps. He represents fresh thinking that might help the army shed its Soviet heritage.
The third candidate is Chief of the General Staff and former Marine commander Lieutenant General Andriy Hnatov. He has a big advantage compared to other candidates in that Zelenskyy likes and trusts him.
The fourth candidate is the commander of the 1st Azov Corps, Colonel Denis Prokopenko. Unlike the other candidates, Prokopenko comes from the National Guard, so his appointment would be somewhat surprising. But during wartime, movement between the Armed Forces and National Guard is nothing unusual. Prokopenko is a respected and capable commander who does his job without fanfare.
Whatever your opinion on Syrskyi may be, it is important to understand that behind every localized counterattack, every glorified assault that makes no sense from a military standpoint, are dozens of Ukrainian casualties. Ukraine cannot survive this for long.
[ Bericht 0% gewijzigd door skysherrif op 11-01-2026 23:00:49 ]