Palestina en Israël #201 Trust no one

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 23:01 schreef Karrs het volgende:

[..]

Dit weerspreekt toch totaal niet dat zionisten joden zijn?

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 23:04 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

[..]

.....
Maar wel dat joden geen zionisten zijn. Dus als ik zeg dat zionisten nazis zijn, zeg ik niet dat joden nazis zijn. Moet ik alles voorkauwen?

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 23:08 schreef Toga het volgende:

[..]

WIki: Zionisme is een nationale beweging en ideologie die een Joods thuisland of Joodse staat ondersteunt in het gebied waar in vroegere tijden de Israëlitische koninkrijken Israël en Judea lagen
Volgens mij is die staat er al en zijn zionisten dus al 67 jaar werkeloos. De term "zionisten" wordt alleen maar gebruikt omdat de term "joden", niet zo lekker meer bekt in politiek correcte taal.

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 22:32 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:
http://www.jewsagainstzionism.com/
Denk dat deze joden daar heel anders over denken..

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 23:10 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

[..]Dan zijn die Zionisten zelf ook niet zo politiek correct of wel?

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 23:16 schreef Toga het volgende:

[..]

Nee, je leest mijn post verkeerd; joden nazi's noemen komt niet zo lekker meer binnen, dus noemen we de slechterikken gewoon zionisten. Maar kan iemand mij vertellen wat een zionist dan wèl is, en wat ze doen?

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 23:13 schreef Frikandelbroodje het volgende:

[..]

Niet elke Jood is een zionist of Israëliër en niet elke zionist of Israëliër is een Jood. Daarom vind ik het ook altijd behoorlijk vreemd om kritiek op zionisme of Israël af te doen als antisemitisme.

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 23:13 schreef Frikandelbroodje het volgende:

[..]

Niet elke Jood is een zionist of Israëliër en niet elke zionist of Israëliër is een Jood. Daarom vind ik het ook altijd behoorlijk vreemd om kritiek op zionisme of Israël af te doen als antisemitisme.

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 22:32 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

[..]

Ik heb je twee stukken tekst gegeven die niet aan jouw eisen voldeden.

[..]

http://www.jewsagainstzionism.com/
Denk dat deze joden daar heel anders over denken..

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 23:30 schreef IsaacCuenca het volgende:

[..]

Is niet echt vreemd, gezien er geen goede argumenten zijn om zionisme/israel te verdedigen. Dus dan moet je maar op de man spelen en alle kritiek als jodenhaat bestempelen.

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 23:42 schreef Proudzionist het volgende:

[..]

Dat is niet "vreemd", maar zeer triest. Een echte zionist weet zijn ideologie op een fatsoenlijke manier te verdedigen en heeft niet dat soort discussietechnieken nodig.

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 00:47 schreef Aloulu het volgende:

[..]

Wat houdt voor jou zionisme in?

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 00:57 schreef Frikandelbroodje het volgende:
Voor mij is het de overtuiging of het idee dat de Joden een land mogen/moeten hebben waar ze hun beschermd zijn van antisemitisme en vervolging waarmee ze op andere plekken worden geconfronteerd.

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 23:08 schreef Toga het volgende:
WIki: Zionisme is een nationale beweging en ideologie die een Joods thuisland of Joodse staat ondersteunt in het gebied waar in vroegere tijden de Israëlitische koninkrijken Israël en Judea lagen
Volgens mij is die staat er al en zijn zionisten dus al 67 jaar werkeloos.

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 23:19 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

[..]

moet jij eerst antwoord op mijn vraag geven. Is het vermoeiend?

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 08:44 schreef Toga het volgende:

[..]

Nee, ik noem Israëlcritici geen jodenhaters, ik ben blij dat er mensen zijn die kritisch blijven. Ikzelf heb bijvoorbeeld ook mijn vraagtekens bij de settlements.
Maar als iemand "dood aan de zionisten" of "zionisten zijn nazi's" roept, moet die persoon me toch kunnen vertellen wie die zionisten zijn? Als het om de settlers in de West bank gaat, waarom komen de raketten dan vanuit de Gaza? De Gaza is allang vrij van "zionisten". Als het om de IDF gaat, is de IDF een zionistenideologie? Ik begrijp het eerlijk niet.
Als die persoon gewoon (Israëlische) joden bedoelt, zeg dat dan gewoon (en blijf van joden buiten Israël af).

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 01:26 schreef Aloulu het volgende:

[..]

Volgens mij is het eerder de overtuiging dat elke geboren jood (van een joodse moeder) een onherroepelijk recht heeft om de eigenaar te zijn van een specifiek gebied in wat wij vandaag het M-Oosten noemen op basis van een bepaalde historische lezing en men daar dus een "joods thuisland" of "joodse staat" mag stichten (meerderheid etnische joods). Ook als dat ten kost van de lokale bevolking gaat. Want in deze lezing waren "de joden er immers ooit eerder al". Men neemt dus slechts terug wat ooit van hen was.

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 10:15 schreef Toga het volgende:

[..]

Maar dan nog; waarom zou er in dat gebied geen joden mogen wonen? Het gaat andersom toch prima met 1,5 miljoen arabieren in Israël? In 1950 werd het door Jordanië verboden voor joden om zich daar te vestigen, chistenen moesten zelfs bewijzen geen jood te zijn.

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 09:35 schreef Karrs het volgende:

[..]

Dat is ook het dubbele aan het verwijt "alle kritiek op Israël wordt direct jodenhaat genoemd". De Israëlische overheid overdrijft doorgaans nogal, maar verder?

Het omgekeerde zie ik vaker: jodenhaters die zich proberen in te dekken door hun haat "kritiek op Israël", of "zionistenhaat" te noemen. Soms geloven ze het zelf ook nog.

Alsof het beter is om iemand die je niet kent, te haten omdat hij 'een zionist' is (en jouw vraag is terecht: wat is dan een zionist?). Het is gewoon not done om mensen te haten wegens een afkomst of overtuiging. Als ik lees dat 75% van alle moslims, ook hier in NL, joden wantrouwt (niet zionisten - joden. Niet Israëliërs - JODEN), dan is het niet zo raar dat er ook op deze site veel reacties worden geplaatst die niet vanuit bezorgdheid voor het welzijn van Palestijnen, of daadwerkelijke verbolgenheid over Israëls houding, maar vanuit antisemitisme komen. Maar o wee als je dat hardop zegt... dan maken ze de hoogste bokkesprongen om vooral maar tegen te spreken dat ze joden haten! De joodse vriendinnetjes worden er met de haren bijgesleept!

Het verminkt de discussie af en toe wel, maar daar is helaas niets tegen te doen zolang haat een groot deel van de argumenten blijft vormgeven.

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 10:15 schreef Toga het volgende:

[..]

Het hele M-Oosten nog wel, volgens mij krijgt geen enkele jood zomaar recht op een gebied. Ze zijn welkom in de staat Israël, dat wel, maar dan nog moeten ze hun eigen plekje vinden en betalen, zoals elke nieuwkomer in een land. Over de Westbank valt te twisten, hoewel dat stuk land tijdens de oorlog in 1967 toch ècht in handen viel van Israël en Jordanië het niet terug heeft geclaimd. Die hele discussie wil ik nu niet aangaan.

Maar dan nog; waarom zou er in dat gebied geen joden mogen wonen? Het gaat andersom toch prima met 1,5 miljoen arabieren in Israël? In 1950 werd het door Jordanië verboden voor joden om zich daar te vestigen, chistenen moesten zelfs bewijzen geen jood te zijn.

Als er een Palestijnse staat zou komen, zouden die joden als het aan mij lag echter wèl een Palestijns paspoort krijgen (zoals de arabieren in Israël een Israëlisch paspoort hebben), ik ben benieuwd of ze dan nog willen blijven.

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 11:04 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

[..]

Wát een onzin. Jordanie is de grootste vriend van Israel.

quote:

Maar, aangezien jij er zo over denkt. Wat als alle "moslims" hier een land uitroepen en dan alle blanken eruit schoppen, ongeacht of ze gelovig zijn of niet. Ga je dat dan ook accepteren?

Hamas Interior Minister: We are Egyptians and Saudis, Allahu Akbar

quote:

Niemand heeft gezegd dat joden niet in Palestina mogen komen wonen.

quote:

Het gaat erom dat ze een apartheidsstaat uitroepen en de oorspronkelijke bewoners uitmoorden.

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 11:51 schreef Toga het volgende:

Dat wordt niet gedaan.

Occupation 101

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 11:51 schreef Toga het volgende:

Ik was er niet bij, maar het feit dat er nu zo'n 1,5 miljoen arabieren vreedzaam in Israël wonen toont aan dat het niet zo zwart-wit was als men doet voorkomen, (anders waren ze allemaal we uitgemoord of weggemoffeld). Zou het kunnen zijn dat er voor die tijd ook een flinke toename arabieren uit Egypte en Jordanië het land instroomden en dat Israël die tijdens de oorlog de grootste heethoofden eruitgekikkerd heeft? Arafat en deze Mushir al-Masri zijn aardige voorbeelden;

Hamas Interior Minister: We are Egyptians and Saudis, Allahu Akbar

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 11:53 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

[..]

[ afbeelding ]

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 12:08 schreef Toga het volgende:

[..]

1913 hè? Vreemd, dat de "Palestijnen" (w.o. christenen en joden die in 1913 ook in Jeruzalem woonden) geen problemen hadden met de Ottomaanse bezetting. Ook de Jordaanse bezetting van de Westbank ging zonder slag of stoot. Maar onder een joodse bezetter moet het voor een arabier toch verschrikkelijk zijn.

quote:

"Under Moorish rule in al-Andalus, Christianity, Islam, and Judaism lived together in relative harmony. Many converted to Islam and all were influenced by the Arab way of life. The Moors introduced fashion, foods, and healthy rituals to all."

"In 1469, Christian Spain was finally reunited, and the Catholic monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella marry. They launch a final assault against the Moorish south. In 1492, they expelled all Jews and revoked the right of Muslims."

SPOILER

Om spoilers te kunnen lezen moet je zijn ingelogd. Je moet je daarvoor eerst gratis Registreren. Ook kun je spoilers niet lezen als je een ban hebt.

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 12:16 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

[..]

Toen de Zionazis kwamen, hebben ze christenen, moslims, en iedereen die niet joods is vermoord, uit huis gezet, bestolen.. etc. etc.

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 12:21 schreef Toga het volgende:

[..]

You lost me here, ik wens je nog veel plezier in de wereld van jodenhaat.
Wist je trouwens dat we 67 jaar verder zijn? Dat Nederland, Duitsland en Israël grote vriendjes zijn?

quote:

"It would be an excellent idea to call in respectable, accredited anti-Semites as liquidators of property. To the people they would vouch for the fact that we do not wish to bring about the impoverishment of the countries that we leave. At first they must not be given large fees for this; otherwise we shall spoil our instruments and make them despicable as 'stooges of the Jews.' Later their fees will increase, and in the end we shall have only Gentile officials in the countries from which we have emigrated. The anti-Semites will become our most dependable friends, the anti-Semitic countries our allies." (The Complete Diaries of Theodor Herzl. Vol. 1, edited by Raphael Patai, translated by Harry Zohn, page 83-84)

SPOILER

Om spoilers te kunnen lezen moet je zijn ingelogd. Je moet je daarvoor eerst gratis Registreren. Ook kun je spoilers niet lezen als je een ban hebt.

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 12:29 schreef Toga het volgende:
De Grand Mufti was eerder:
[ afbeelding ]"The Arabs were Germany's natural friends because they had the same enemies as had Germany, namely the English, the Jews, and the Communists"

quote:

THE JEWS OF IRAQ

by Naeim Giladi

Courtesy The Link, Volume 31, Issue 2, April-May 1998

The author, Naeim Giladi

I write this article
for the same reason I wrote my book:
to tell the American people,
and especially American Jews,
that Jews from Islamic lands did not emigrate
willingly to Israel; that, to force them to leave,
Jews killed Jews; and that,
to buy time to confiscate ever more Arab lands,
Jews on numerous occasions
rejected genuine peace initiatives
from their Arab neighbors.
I write about what the first prime minister of Israel called "cruel Zionism."
I write about it because I was part of it.



ABOUT THIS ARTICLE:
The Link interviewed Naeim Giladi, a Jew from Iraq, for three hours on March 16, 1998, two days prior to his 69th birthday. For nearly two other delightful hours, we were treated to a multi-course Arabic meal prepared by his wife Rachael, who is also Iraqi. "It's our Arab culture," he said proudly.
In our previous Link, Israeli historian Ilan Pappe looked at the hundreds of thousands of indigenous Palestinians whose lives were uprooted to make room for foreigners who would come to populate confiscated land. Most were Ashkenazi Jews from Eastern Europe. But over half a million other Jews came from Islamic lands. Zionist propagandists claim that Israel "rescued" these Jews from their anti-Jewish, Muslim neighbors. One of those "rescued" Jews-Naeim Giladi-knows otherwise.

In his book, Ben Gurion's Scandals: How the Haganah & the Mossad Eliminated Jews, Giladi discusses the crimes committed by Zionists in their frenzy to import raw Jewish labor. Newly-vacated farmlands had to be plowed to provide food for the immigrants and the military ranks had to be filled with conscripts to defend the stolen lands. Mr. Giladi couldn't get his book published in Israel, and even in the U.S. he discovered he could do so only if he used his own money.

The Giladis, now U.S. citizens, live in New York City. By choice, they no longer hold Israeli citizenship. "I am Iraqi," he told us, "born in Iraq, my culture still Iraqi Arabic, my religion Jewish, my citizenship American."

John F. Mahoney
Executive Director,
Americans for Middle East Understanding (AMEU)

MY STORY

Of course I thought I knew it all back then. I was young, idealistic, and more than willing to put my life at risk for my convictions. It was 1947 and I wasn't quite 18 when the Iraqi authorities caught me for smuggling young Iraqi Jews like myself out of Iraq, into Iran, and then on to the Promised Land of the soon-to-be established Israel.

I was an Iraqi Jew in the Zionist underground. My Iraqi jailers did everything they could to extract the names of my co-conspirators. Fifty years later, pain still throbs in my right toe-a reminder of the day my captors used pliers to remove my toenails. On another occasion, they hauled me to the flat roof of the prison, stripped me bare on a frigid January day, then threw a bucket of cold water over me. I was left there, chained to the railing, for hours. But I never once considered giving them the information they wanted. I was a true believer.

My preoccupation during what I refer to as my "two years in hell" was with survival and escape. I had no interest then in the broad sweep of Jewish history in Iraq even though my family had been part of it right from the beginning. We were originally Haroons, a large and important family of the "Babylonian Diaspora." My ancestors had settled in Iraq more than 2,600 years ago-600 years before Christianity, and 1,200 years before Islam. I am descended from Jews who built the tomb of Yehezkel, a Jewish prophet of pre-biblical times. My town, where I was born in 1929, is Hillah, not far from the ancient site of Babylon.

The original Jews found Babylon, with its nourishing Tigris and Euphrates rivers, to be truly a land of milk, honey, abundance-and opportunity. Although Jews, like other minorities in what became Iraq, experienced periods of oppression and discrimination depending on the rulers of the period, their general trajectory over two and one-half millennia was upward. Under the late Ottoman rule, for example, Jewish social and religious institutions, schools, and medical facilities flourished without outside interference, and Jews were prominent in government and business.

As I sat there in my cell, unaware that a death sentence soon would be handed down against me, I could not have recounted any personal grievances that my family members would have lodged against the government or the Muslim majority. Our family had been treated well and had prospered, first as farmers with some 50,000 acres devoted to rice, dates and Arab horses. Then, with the Ottomans, we bought and purified gold that was shipped to Istanbul and turned into coinage. The Turks were responsible in fact for changing our name to reflect our occupation-we became Khalaschi, meaning "Makers of Pure."

I did not volunteer the information to my father that I had joined the Zionist underground. He found out several months before I was arrested when he saw me writing Hebrew and using words and expressions unfamiliar to him. He was even more surprised to learn that, yes, I had decided I would soon move to Israel myself. He was scornful. "You'll come back with your tail between your legs," he predicted.

About 125,000 Jews left Iraq for Israel in the late 1940s and into 1952, most because they had been lied to and put into a panic by what I came to learn were Zionist bombs. But my mother and father were among the 6,000 who did not go to Israel. Although physically I never did return to Iraq-that bridge had been burned in any event-my heart has made the journey there many, many times. My father had it right.
About 125,000 Jews left Iraq for Israel in the late 1940s and into 1952, most because they had been lied to and put into a panic by what I came to learn were Zionist bombs.

I was imprisoned at the military camp of Abu-Greib, about 7 miles from Baghdad. When the military court handed down my sentence of death by hanging, I had nothing to lose by attempting the escape I had been planning for many months.

It was a strange recipe for an escape: a dab of butter, an orange peel, and some army clothing that I had asked a friend to buy for me at a flea market. I deliberately ate as much bread as I could to put on fat in anticipation of the day I became 18, when they could formally charge me with a crime and attach the 50-pound ball and chain that was standard prisoner issue.

Later, after my leg had been shackled, I went on a starvation diet that often left me weak-kneed. The pat of butter was to lubricate my leg in preparation for extricating it from the metal band. The orange peel I surreptitiously stuck into the lock on the night of my planned escape, having studied how it could be placed in such a way as to keep the lock from closing.

As the jailers turned to go after locking up, I put on the old army issue that was indistinguishable from what they were wearing-a long, green coat and a stocking cap that I pulled down over much of my face (it was winter). Then I just quietly opened the door and joined the departing group of soldiers as they strode down the hall and outside, and I offered a "good night" to the shift guard as I left. A friend with a car was waiting to speed me away.

Naeim Giladi in 1947

Later I made my way to the new state of Israel, arriving in May, 1950. My passport had my name in Arabic and English, but the English couldn't capture the "kh" sound, so it was rendered simply as Klaski. At the border, the immigration people applied the English version, which had an Eastern European, Ashkenazi ring to it. In one way, this "mistake" was my key to discovering very soon just how the Israeli caste system worked.

They asked me where I wanted to go and what I wanted to do. I was the son of a farmer; I knew all the problems of the farm, so I volunteered to go to Dafnah, a farming kibbutz in the high Galilee. I only lasted a few weeks. The new immigrants were given the worst of everything. The food was the same, but that was the only thing that everyone had in common. For the immigrants, bad cigarettes, even bad toothpaste. Everything. I left.

Then, through the Jewish Agency, I was advised to go to al-Majdal (later renamed Ashkelon), an Arab town about 9 miles from Gaza, very close to the Mediterranean. The Israeli government planned to turn it into a farmers' city, so my farm background would be an asset there.

When I reported to the Labor Office in al-Majdal, they saw that I could read and write Arabic and Hebrew and they said that I could find a good-paying job with the Military Governor's office. The Arabs were under the authority of these Israeli Military Governors. A clerk handed me a bunch of forms in Arabic and Hebrew. Now it dawned on me. Before Israel could establish its farmers' city, it had to rid al-Majdal of its indigenous Palestinians. The forms were petitions to the United Nations Inspectors asking for transfer out of Israel to Gaza, which was under Egyptian control.

I read over the petition. In signing, the Palestinian would be saying that he was of sound mind and body and was making the request for transfer free of pressure or duress. Of course, there was no way that they would leave without being pressured to do so. These families had been there hundreds of years, as farmers, primitive artisans, weavers. The Military Governor prohibited them from pursuing their livelihoods, just penned them up until they lost hope of resuming their normal lives. That's when they signed to leave.

I was there and heard their grief. "Our hearts are in pain when we look at the orange trees that we planted with our own hands. Please let us go, let us give water to those trees. God will not be pleased with us if we leave His trees untended." I asked the Military Governor to give them relief, but he said, "No, we want them to leave."

I could no longer be part of this oppression and I left. Those Palestinians who didn't sign up for transfers were taken by force-just put in trucks and dumped in Gaza. About four thousand people were driven from al-Majdal in one way or another. The few who remained were collaborators with the Israeli authorities.

Subsequently, I wrote letters trying to get a government job elsewhere and I got many immediate responses asking me to come for an interview. Then they would discover that my face didn't match my Polish/Ashkenazi name. They would ask if I spoke Yiddish or Polish, and when I said I didn't, they would ask where I came by a Polish name. Desperate for a good job, I would usually say that I thought my great-grandfather was from Poland. I was advised time and again that "we'll give you a call."

Eventually, three to four years after coming to Israel, I changed my name to Giladi, which is close to the code name, Gilad, that I had in the Zionist underground. Klaski wasn't doing me any good anyway, and my Eastern friends were always chiding me about the name they knew didn't go with my origins as an Iraqi Jew.

I was disillusioned at what I found in the Promised Land, disillusioned personally, disillusioned at the institutionalized racism, disillusioned at what I was beginning to learn about Zionism's cruelties. The principal interest Israel had in Jews from Islamic countries was as a supply of cheap labor, especially for the farm work that was beneath the urbanized Eastern European Jews. Ben Gurion needed the "Oriental" Jews to farm the thousands of acres of land left by Palestinians who were driven out by Israeli forces in 1948.

And I began to find out about the barbaric methods used to rid the fledgling state of as many Palestinians as possible. The world recoils today at the thought of bacteriological warfare, but Israel was probably the first to actually use it in the Middle East. In the 1948 war, Jewish forces would empty Arab villages of their populations, often by threats, sometimes by just gunning down a half-dozen unarmed Arabs as examples to the rest. To make sure the Arabs couldn't return to make a fresh life for themselves in these villages, the Israelis put typhus and dysentery bacteria into the water wells.

Uri Mileshtin, an official historian for the Israeli Defense Force, has written and spoken about the use of bacteriological agents[1]. According to Mileshtin, Moshe Dayan, a division commander at the time, gave orders in 1948 to remove Arabs from their villages, bulldoze their homes, and render water wells unusable with typhus and dysentery bacteria.


Bacteriological Warfare

The Haganah put typhus bacteria into the water going to Acre, the people got sick, and the Jewish forces occupied Acre. This worked so well that they sent a Haganah division dressed as Arabs into Gaza, where there were Egyptian forces, and the Egyptians caught them putting two cans of bacteria, typhus and dysentery, into the water supply in wanton disregard of the civilian population.

Acre was so situated that it could practically defend itself with one big gun, so the Haganah put bacteria into the spring that fed the town. The spring was called Capri and it ran from the north near a kibbutz. The Haganah put typhus bacteria into the water going to Acre, the people got sick, and the Jewish forces occupied Acre. This worked so well that they sent a Haganah division dressed as Arabs into Gaza, where there were Egyptian forces, and the Egyptians caught them putting two cans of bacteria, typhus and dysentery, into the water supply in wanton disregard of the civilian population. "In war, there is no sentiment," one of the captured Haganah men was quoted as saying.

My activism in Israel began shortly after I received a letter from the Socialist/Zionist Party asking me to help with their Arabic newspaper. When I showed up at their offices at Central House in Tel Aviv, I asked around to see just where I should report. I showed the letter to a couple of people there and, without even looking at it, they would motion me away with the words, "Room No. 8." When I saw that they weren't even reading the letter, I inquired of several others. But the response was the same, "Room No. 8," with not a glance at the paper I put in front of them.

So I went to Room 8 and saw that it was the Department of Jews from Islamic Countries. I was disgusted and angry. Either I am a member of the party or I'm not. Do I have a different ideology or different politics because I am an Arab Jew? It's segregation, I thought, just like a Negroes' Department. I turned around and walked out. That was the start of my open protests. That same year I organized a demonstration in Ashkelon against Ben Gurion's racist policies and 10,000 people turned out.

There wasn't much opportunity for those of us who were second class citizens to do much about it when Israel was on a war footing with outside enemies. After the 1967 war, I was in the Army myself and served in the Sinai when there was continued fighting along the Suez Canal. But the cease-fire with Egypt in 1970 gave us our opening. We took to the streets and organized politically to demand equal rights. If it's our country, if we were expected to risk our lives in a border war, then we expected equal treatment.

We mounted the struggle so tenaciously and received so much publicity that the Israeli government tried to discredit our movement by calling us "Israel's Black Panthers." They were thinking in racist terms, really, in assuming the Israeli public would reject an organization whose ideology was being compared to that of radical blacks in the United States. But we saw that what we were doing was no different than what blacks in the United States were fighting against-segregation, discrimination, unequal treatment. Rather than reject the label, we adopted it proudly. I had posters of Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, Nelson Mandela and other civil rights activists plastered all over my office.

With the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and the Israeli-condoned Sabra and Shatilla massacres, I had had enough of Israel. I became a United States citizen and made certain to revoke my Israeli citizenship. I could never have written and published my book in Israel, not with the censorship they would impose.

Even in America, I had great difficulty finding a publisher because many are subject to pressures of one kind or another from Israel and its friends. I ended up paying $60,000 from my own pocket to publish Ben Gurion's Scandals: How the Haganah & the Mossad Eliminated Jews, virtually the entire proceeds from having sold my house in Israel.

I still was afraid that the printer would back out or that legal proceedings would be initiated to stop its publication, like the Israeli government did in an attempt to prevent former Mossad case officer Victor Ostrovsky from publishing his first book[2]. Ben Gurion's Scandals had to be translated into English from two languages. I wrote in Hebrew when I was in Israel and hoped to publish the book there, and I wrote in Arabic when I was completing the book after coming to the U.S. But I was so worried that something would stop publication that I told the printer not to wait for the translations to be thoroughly checked and proofread. Now I realize that the publicity of a lawsuit would just have created a controversial interest in the book.

I am using bank vault storage for the valuable documents that back up what I have written. These documents, including some that I illegally copied from the archives at Yad Vashem, confirm what I saw myself, what I was told by other witnesses, and what reputable historians and others have written concerning the Zionist bombings in Iraq, Arab peace overtures that were rebuffed, and incidents of violence and death inflicted by Jews on Jews in the cause of creating Israel.



THE RIOTS OF 1941

If, as I have said, my family in Iraq was not persecuted personally and I knew no deprivation as a member of the Jewish minority, what led me to the steps of the gallows as a member of the Zionist underground? To answer that question, it is necessary to establish the context of the massacre that occurred in Baghdad on June 1, 1941, when several hundred Iraqi Jews were killed in riots involving junior officers of the Iraqi army. I was 12 years of age and many of those killed were my friends. I was angry, and very confused.

What I didn't know at the time was that the riots most likely were stirred up by the British, in collusion with a pro-British Iraqi leadership.

With the breakup of the Ottoman Empire following WW I, Iraq came under British "tutelage." Amir Faisal, son of Sharif Hussein who had led the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman sultan, was brought in from Mecca by the British to become King of Iraq in 1921. Many Jews were appointed to key administrative posts, including that of economics minister. Britain retained final authority over domestic and external affairs.

Britain's pro-Zionist attitude in Palestine, however, triggered a growing anti-Zionist backlash in Iraq, as it did in all Arab countries. Writing at the end of 1934, Sir Francis Humphreys, Britain's Ambassador in Baghdad, noted that, while before WW I Iraqi Jews had enjoyed a more favorable position than any other minority in the country, since then "Zionism has sown dissension between Jews and Arabs, and a bitterness has grown up between the two peoples which did not previously exist."[3]

King Faisal died in 1933. He was succeeded by his son Ghazi, who died in a motor car accident in 1939. The crown then passed to Ghazi's 4-year-old son, Faisal II, whose uncle, Abd al-Ilah, was named regent. Abd al-Ilah selected Nouri el-Said as prime minister. El-Said supported the British and, as hatred of the British grew, he was forced from office in March 1940 by four senior army officers who advocated Iraq's independence from Britain. Calling themselves the Golden Square, the officers compelled the regent to name as prime minister Rashid Ali al-Kilani, leader of the National Brotherhood party.

The time was 1940 and Britain was reeling from a strong German offensive. Al-Kilani and the Golden Square saw this as their opportunity to rid themselves of the British once and for all. Cautiously they began to negotiate for German support, which led the pro-British regent Abd al-Ilah to dismiss al-Kilani in January 1941. By April, however, the Golden Square officers had reinstated the prime minister.

This provoked the British to send a military force into Basra on April 12, 1941. Basra, Iraq's second largest city, had a Jewish population of 30,000. Most of these Jews made their livings from import/export, money changing, retailing, as workers in the airports, railways, and ports, or as senior government employees.

On the same day, April 12, supporters of the pro-British regent notified the Jewish leaders that the regent wanted to meet with them. As was their custom, the leaders brought flowers for the regent. Contrary to custom, however, the cars that drove them to the meeting place dropped them off at the site where the British soldiers were concentrated.

Photographs of the Jews appeared in the following day's newspapers with the banner "Basra Jews Receive British Troops with Flowers." That same day, April 13, groups of angry Arab youths set about to take revenge against the Jews. Several Muslim notables in Basra heard of the plan and calmed things down. Later, it was learned that the regent was not in Basra at all and that the matter was a provocation by his pro-British supporters to bring about an ethnic war in order to give the British army a pretext to intervene.

The British continued to land more forces in and around Basra. On May 7, 1941, their Gurkha unit, composed of Indian soldiers from that ethnic group, occupied Basra's el-Oshar quarter, a neighborhood with a large Jewish population. The soldiers, led by British officers, began looting. Many shops in the commercial district were plundered. Private homes were broken into. Cases of attempted rape were reported. Local residents, Jews and Muslims, responded with pistols and old rifles, but their bullets were no match for the soldiers' Tommy Guns.

Afterwards, it was learned that the soldiers acted with the acquiescence, if not the blessing, of their British commanders. (It should be remembered that the Indian soldiers, especially those of the Gurkha unit, were known for their discipline, and it is highly unlikely they would have acted so riotously without orders.) The British goal clearly was to create chaos and to blacken the image of the pro-nationalist regime in Baghdad, thereby giving the British forces reason to proceed to the capital and to overthrow the al-Kilani government.

Baghdad fell on May 30. Al-Kilani fled to Iran, along with the Golden Square officers. Radio stations run by the British reported that Regent Abd al-Ilah would be returning to the city and that thousands of Jews and others were planning to welcome him. What inflamed young Iraqis against the Jews most, however, was the radio announcer Yunas Bahri on the German station "Berlin," who reported in Arabic that Jews from Palestine were fighting alongside the British against Iraqi soldiers near the city of Faluja. The report was false.

On Sunday, June 1, unarmed fighting broke out in Baghdad between Jews who were still celebrating their Shabuoth holiday and young Iraqis who thought the Jews were celebrating the return of the pro-British regent. That evening, a group of Iraqis stopped a bus, removed the Jewish passengers, murdered one and fatally wounded a second.

About 8:30 the following morning, some 30 individuals in military and police uniforms opened fire along el-Amin street, a small downtown street whose jewelry, tailor and grocery shops were Jewish-owned. By 11 a.m., mobs of Iraqis with knives, switchblades and clubs were attacking Jewish homes in the area.

The riots continued throughout Monday, June 2. During this time, many Muslims rose to defend their Jewish neighbors, while some Jews successfully defended themselves. There were 124 killed and 400 injured, according to a report written by a Jewish Agency messenger who was in Iraq at the time. Other estimates, possibly less reliable, put the death toll higher, as many as 500, with from 650 to 2,000 injured. From 500 to 1,300 stores and more than 1,000 homes and apartments were looted.

Who was behind the rioting in the Jewish quarter? Yosef Meir, one of the most prominent activists in the Zionist underground movement in Iraq, known then as Yehoshafat, claims it was the British. Meir, who now works for the Israeli Defense Ministry, argues that, in order to make it appear that the regent was returning as the savior who would reestablish law and order, the British stirred up the riots against the most vulnerable and visible segment in the city, the Jews. And, not surprisingly, the riots ended as soon as the regent's loyal soldiers entered the capital.[4]

My own investigations as a journalist lead me to believe Meir is correct. Furthermore, I think his claims should be seen as based on documents in the archives of the Israeli Defense Ministry, the agency that published his book. Yet, even before his book came out, I had independent confirmation from a man I met in Iran in the late Forties.

His name was Michael Timosian, an Iraqi Armenian. When I met him he was working as a male nurse at the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in Abadan in the south of Iran. On June 2, 1941, however, he was working at the Baghdad hospital where many of the riot victims were brought. Most of these victims were Jews.

Timosian said he was particularly interested in two patients whose conduct did not follow local custom. One had been hit by a bullet in his shoulder, the other by a bullet in his right knee. After the doctor removed the bullets, the staff tried to change their blood-soaked cloths. But the two men fought off their efforts, pretending to be speechless, although tests showed they could hear. To pacify them, the doctor injected them with anesthetics and, as they were sleeping, Timosian changed their cloths. He discovered that one of them had around his neck an identification tag of the type used by British troops, while the other had tattoos with Indian script on his right arm along with the familiar sword of the Gurkha.

The next day when Timosian showed up for work, he was told that a British officer, his sergeant and two Indian Gurkha soldiers had come to the hospital early that morning. Staff members overheard the Gurkha soldiers talking with the wounded patients, who were not as dumb as they had pretended. The patients saluted the visitors, covered themselves with sheets and, without signing the required release forms, left the hospital with their visitors.

Today there is no doubt in my mind that the anti-Jewish riots of 1941 were orchestrated by the British for geopolitical ends. David Kimche is certainly a man who was in a position to know the truth, and he has spoken publicly about British culpability. Kimche had been with British Intelligence during WW II and with the Mossad after the war. Later he became Director General of Israel's Foreign Ministry, the position he held in 1982 when he addressed a forum at the British Institute for International Affairs in London.

In responding to hostile questions about Israel's invasion of Lebanon and the refugee camp massacres in Beirut, Kimche went on the attack, reminding the audience that there was scant concern in the British Foreign Office when British Gurkha units participated in the murder of 500 Jews in the streets of Baghdad in 1941.[5]



THE BOMBING OF 1950-1951

The anti-Jewish riots of 1941 did more than create a pretext for the British to enter Baghdad to reinstate the pro-British regent and his pro-British prime minister, Nouri el-Said. They also gave the Zionists in Palestine a pretext to set up a Zionist underground in Iraq, first in Baghdad, then in other cities such as Basra, Amara, Hillah, Diwaneia, Abril and Karkouk.

Following WW II, a succession of governments held brief power in Iraq. Zionist conquests in Palestine, particularly the massacre of Palestinians in the village of Deir Yassin, emboldened the anti-British movement in Iraq. When the Iraqi government signed a new treaty of friendship with London in January 1948, riots broke out all over the country. The treaty was quickly abandoned and Baghdad demanded removal of the British military mission that had run Iraq's army for 27 years.

Later in 1948, Baghdad sent an army detachment to Palestine to fight the Zionists, and when Israel declared independence in May, Iraq closed the pipeline that fed its oil to Haifa's refinery. Abd al-Ilah, however, was still regent and the British quisling, Nouri el-Said, was back as prime minister. I was in the Abu-Greib prison in 1948, where I would remain until my escape to Iran in September 1949.

Six months later-the exact date was March 19, 1950-a bomb went off at the American Cultural Center and Library in Baghdad, causing property damage and injuring a number of people. The center was a favorite meeting place for young Jews.

The first bomb thrown directly at Jews occurred on April 8, 1950, at 9:15 p.m. A car with three young passengers hurled the grenade at Baghdad's El-Dar El-Bida Café, where Jews were celebrating Passover. Four people were seriously injured. That night leaflets were distributed calling on Jews to leave Iraq immediately.

The next day, many Jews, most of them poor with nothing to lose, jammed emigration offices to renounce their citizenship and to apply for permission to leave for Israel. So many applied, in fact, that the police had to open registration offices in Jewish schools and synagogues.

On May 10, at 3 a.m., a grenade was tossed in the direction of the display window of the Jewish-owned Beit-Lawi Automobile Company, destroying part of the building. No casualties were reported.

On June 3, 1950, another grenade was tossed from a speeding car in the El-Batawin area of Baghdad where most rich Jews and middle class Iraqis lived. No one was hurt, but following the explosion Zionist activists sent telegrams to Israel requesting that the quota for immigration from Iraq be increased.

On June 5, at 2:30 a.m., a bomb exploded next to the Jewish owned Stanley Shashua building on El-Rashid street, resulting in property damage but no casualties.

On January 14, 1951, at 7 p.m., a grenade was thrown at a group of Jews outside the Masouda Shem-Tov Synagogue. The explosive struck a high-voltage cable, electrocuting three Jews, one a young boy, Itzhak Elmacher, and wounding over 30 others. Following the attack, the exodus of Jews jumped to between 600-700 per day.

Zionist propagandists still maintain that the bombs in Iraq were set off by anti-Jewish Iraqis who wanted Jews out of their country. The terrible truth is that the grenades that killed and maimed Iraqi Jews and damaged their property were thrown by Zionist Jews.

Among the most important documents in my book, I believe, are copies of two leaflets published by the Zionist underground calling on Jews to leave Iraq. One is dated March 16, 1950, the other April 8, 1950.


The terrible truth is that the grenades that killed and maimed Iraqi Jews and damaged their property were thrown by Zionist Jews.
The difference between these two is critical. Both indicate the date of publication, but only the April 8th leaflet notes the time of day: 4 p.m. Why the time of day? Such a specification was unprecedented. Even the investigating judge, Salaman El-Beit, found it suspicious. Did the 4 p.m. writers want an alibi for a bombing they knew would occur five hours later? If so, how did they know about the bombing? The judge concluded they knew because a connection existed between the Zionist underground and the bomb throwers.

This, too, was the conclusion of Wilbur Crane Eveland, a former senior officer in the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), whom I had the opportunity to meet in New York in 1988. In his book, Ropes of Sand, whose publication the CIA opposed, Eveland writes:

In attempts to portray the Iraqis as anti-American and to terrorize the Jews, the Zionists planted bombs in the U.S. Information Service library and in synagogues. Soon leaflets began to appear urging Jews to flee to Israel. . . .

Although the Iraqi police later provided our embassy with evidence to show that the synagogue and library bombings, as well as the anti-Jewish and anti-American leaflet campaigns, had been the work of an underground Zionist organization, most of the world believed reports that Arab terrorism had motivated the flight of the Iraqi Jews whom the Zionists had "rescued" really just in order to increase Israel's Jewish population."[6]

Eveland doesn't detail the evidence linking the Zionists to the attacks, but in my book I do. In 1955, for example, I organized in Israel a panel of Jewish attorneys of Iraqi origin to handle claims of Iraqi Jews who still had property in Iraq. One well known attorney, who asked that I not give his name, confided in me that the laboratory tests in Iraq had confirmed that the anti-American leaflets found at the American Cultural Center bombing were typed on the same typewriter and duplicated on the same stenciling machine as the leaflets distributed by the Zionist movement just before the April 8th bombing.

Tests also showed that the type of explosive used in the Beit-Lawi attack matched traces of explosives found in the suitcase of an Iraqi Jew by the name of Yosef Basri. Basri, a lawyer, together with Shalom Salih, a shoemaker, would be put on trial for the attacks in December 1951 and executed the following month. Both men were members of Hashura, the military arm of the Zionist underground. Salih ultimately confessed that he, Basri and a third man, Yosef Habaza, carried out the attacks.

By the time of the executions in January 1952, all but 6,000 of an estimated 125,000 Iraqi Jews had fled to Israel. Moreover, the pro-British, pro-Zionist puppet el-Said saw to it that all of their possessions were frozen, including their cash assets. (There were ways of getting Iraqi dinars out, but when the immigrants went to exchange them in Israel they found that the Israeli government kept 50 percent of the value.) Even those Iraqi Jews who had not registered to emigrate, but who happened to be abroad, faced loss of their nationality if they didn't return within a specified time. An ancient, cultured, prosperous community had been uprooted and its people transplanted to a land dominated by East European Jews, whose culture was not only foreign but entirely hateful to them.



THE ULTIMATE CRIMINALS

Zionist Leaders
From the start they knew that in order to establish a Jewish state they had to expel the indigenous Palestinian population to the neighboring Islamic states and import Jews from these same states.

Theodor Herzl, the architect of Zionism, thought it could be done by social engineering. In his diary entry for 12 June 1885, he wrote that Zionist settlers would have to "spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring employment for it in the transit countries, while denying it any employment in our own country."[7]

Vladimir Jabotinsky, Prime Minister Netanyahu's ideological progenitor, frankly admitted that such a transfer of populations could only be brought about by force.

David Ben Gurion, Israel's first prime minister, told a Zionist Conference in 1937 that any proposed Jewish state would have to "transfer Arab populations out of the area, if possible of their own free will, if not by coercion."[8] After 750,000 Palestinians were uprooted and their lands confiscated in 1948-49, Ben Gurion had to look to the Islamic countries for Jews who could fill the resultant cheap labor market. "Emissaries" were smuggled into these countries to "convince" Jews to leave either by trickery or fear.

In the case of Iraq, both methods were used: uneducated Jews were told of a Messianic Israel in which the blind see, the lame walk, and onions grow as big as melons; educated Jews had bombs thrown at them.

A few years after the bombings, in the early 1950s, a book was published in Iraq, in Arabic, titled Venom of the Zionist Viper. The author was one of the Iraqi investigators of the 1950-51 bombings and, in his book, he implicates the Israelis, specifically one of the emissaries sent by Israel, Mordechai Ben-Porat. As soon as the book came out, all copies just disappeared, even from libraries. The word was that agents of the Israeli Mossad, working through the U.S. Embassy, bought up all the books and destroyed them. I tried on three different occasions to have one sent to me in Israel, but each time Israeli censors in the post office intercepted it.

British Leaders.
Britain always acted in its best colonial interests. For that reason Foreign Minister Arthur Balfour sent his famous 1917 letter to Lord Rothschild in exchange for Zionist support in WW I. During WW II the British were primarily concerned with keeping their client states in the Western camp, while Zionists were most concerned with the immigration of European Jews to Palestine, even if this meant cooperating with the Nazis. (In my book I document numerous instances of such dealings by Ben Gurion and the Zionist leadership.)

After WW II the international chessboard pitted communists against capitalists. In many countries, including the United States and Iraq, Jews represented a large part of the Communist party. In Iraq, hundreds of Jews of the working intelligentsia occupied key positions in the hierarchy of the Communist and Socialist parties. To keep their client countries in the capitalist camp, Britain had to make sure these governments had pro-British leaders. And if, as in Iraq, these leaders were overthrown, then an anti-Jewish riot or two could prove a useful pretext to invade the capital and reinstate the "right" leaders.

Moreover, if the possibility existed of removing the communist influence from Iraq by transferring the whole Jewish community to Israel, well then, why not? Particularly if the leaders of Israel and Iraq conspired in the deed.


Britain had to make sure these governments had pro-British leaders. And if, as in Iraq, these leaders were overthrown, then an anti-Jewish riot or two could prove a useful pretext to invade the capital and reinstate the "right" leaders.


The Iraqi Leaders.
Both the regent Abd al-Ilah and his prime minister Nouri el- Said took directions from London. Toward the end of 1948, el-Said, who had already met with Israel's Prime Minister Ben Gurion in Vienna, began discussing with his Iraqi and British associates the need for an exchange of populations. Iraq would send the Jews in military trucks to Israel via Jordan, and Iraq would take in some of the Palestinians Israel had been evicting. His proposal included mutual confiscation of property. London nixed the idea as too radical.

El-Said then went to his back-up plan and began to create the conditions that would make the lives of Iraqi Jews so miserable they would leave for Israel. Jewish government employees were fired from their jobs; Jewish merchants were denied import/export licenses; police began to arrest Jews for trivial reasons. Still the Jews did not leave in any great numbers.

In September 1949, Israel sent the spy Mordechai Ben-Porat, the one mentioned in Venom of the Zionist Viper, to Iraq. One of the first things Ben-Porat did was to approach el-Said and promise him financial incentives to have a law enacted that would lift the citizenship of Iraqi Jews.

Soon after, Zionist and Iraqi representatives began formulating a rough draft of the bill, according to the model dictated by Israel through its agents in Baghdad. The bill was passed by the Iraqi parliament in March 1950. It empowered the government to issue one-time exit visas to Jews wishing to leave the country. In March, the bombings began.

Sixteen years later, the Israeli magazine Haolam Hazeh, published by Uri Avnery, then a Knesset member, accused Ben-Porat of the Baghdad bombings. Ben-Porat, who would become a Knesset member himself, denied the charge, but never sued the magazine for libel. And Iraqi Jews in Israel still call him Morad Abu al-Knabel, Mordechai of the Bombs.


In September 1949, Israel sent the spy Mordechai Ben-Porat to Iraq. One of the first things Ben-Porat did was to approach el-Said, the prime minister of Iraq, and promise him financial incentives to have a law enacted that would lift the citizenship of Iraqi Jews.
As I said, all this went well beyond the comprehension of a teenager. I knew Jews were being killed and an organization existed that could lead us to the Promised Land. So I helped in the exodus to Israel. Later, on occasions, I would bump into some of these Iraqi Jews in Israel. Not infrequently they'd express the sentiment that they could kill me for what I had done.



OPPORTUNITIES FOR PEACE

After the Israeli attack on the Jordanian village of Qibya in October, 1953, Ben Gurion went into voluntary exile at the Sedeh Boker kibbutz in the Negev. The Labor party then used to organize many buses for people to go visit him there, where they would see the former prime minister working with sheep. But that was only for show. Really he was writing his diary and continuing to be active behind the scenes. I went on such a tour.

We were told not to try to speak to Ben Gurion, but when I saw him, I asked why, since Israel is a democracy with a parliament, does it not have a constitution? Ben Gurion said, "Look, boy"-I was 24 at the time-"if we have a constitution, we have to write in it the border of our country. And this is not our border, my dear." I asked, "Then where is the border?" He said, "Wherever the Sahal will come, this is the border." Sahal is the Israeli army.

Ben Gurion told the world that Israel accepted the partition and the Arabs rejected it. Then Israel took half of the land that was promised to the Arab state. And still he was saying it was not enough. Israel needed more land. How can a country make peace with its neighbors if it wants to take their land? How can a country demand to be secure if it won't say what borders it will be satisfied with? For such a country, peace would be an inconvenience.

I know now that from the beginning many Arab leaders wanted to make peace with Israel, but Israel always refused. Ben Gurion covered this up with propaganda. He said that the Arabs wanted to drive Israel into the sea and he called Gamal Abdel Nasser the Hitler of the Middle East whose foremost intent was to destroy Israel. He wanted America and Great Britain to treat Nasser like a pariah.


I asked why, since Israel is a democracy with a parliament, does it not have a constitution?

Ben Gurion said, "Look, boy if we have a constitution, we have to write in it the border of our country. And this is not our border, my dear."

I asked, "Then where is the border?"

He said, "Wherever the Sahal will come, this is the border."

Sahal is the Israeli army.

In 1954, it seemed that America was getting less critical of Nasser. Then during a three-week period in July, several terrorist bombs were set off: at the United States Information Agency offices in Cairo and Alexandria, a British-owned theater, and the central post office in Cairo. An attempt to firebomb a cinema in Alexandria failed when the bomb went off in the pocket of one of the perpetrators. That led to the discovery that the terrorists were not anti-Western Egyptians, but were instead Israeli spies bent on souring the warming relationship between Egypt and the United States in what came to be known as the Lavon Affair.

Ben Gurion was still living on his kibbutz. Moshe Sharett as prime minister was in contact with Abdel Nasser through the offices of Lord Maurice Orbach of Great Britain. Sharett asked Nasser to be lenient with the captured spies, and Nasser did all that was in his power to prevent a deterioration of the situation between the two countries.

Then Ben Gurion returned as Defense Minister in February, 1955. Later that month Israeli troops attacked Egyptian military camps and Palestinian refugees in Gaza, killing 54 and injuring many more. The very night of the attack, Lord Orbach was on his way to deliver a message to Nasser, but was unable to get through because of the military action. When Orbach telephoned, Nasser's secretary told him that the attack proved that Israel did not want peace and that he was wasting his time as a mediator.

In November, Ben Gurion announced in the Knesset that he was willing to meet with Abdel Nasser anywhere and at any time for the sake of peace and understanding. The next morning the Israeli military attacked an Egyptian military camp in the Sabaha region.


In 1954 several terrorist bombs were set off at the United States Information Agency offices in Cairo and Alexandria. An attempt .. failed when the bomb went off in the pocket of one of the perpetrators. That led to the discovery that the terrorists were Israeli spies bent on souring the warming relationship between Egypt and the United States...

Although Nasser felt pessimistic about achieving peace with Israel, he continued to send other mediators to try. One was through the American Friends Service Committee; another via the Prime Minister of Malta, Dom Minthoff; and still another through Marshall Tito of Yugoslavia.

One that looked particularly promising was through Dennis Hamilton, editor of The London Times. Nasser told Hamilton that if only he could sit and talk with Ben Gurion for two or three hours, they would be able to settle the conflict and end the state of war between the two countries. When word of this reached Ben Gurion, he arranged to meet with Hamilton. They decided to pursue the matter with the Israeli ambassador in London, Arthur Luria, as liaison. On Hamilton's third trip to Egypt, Nasser met him with the text of a Ben Gurion speech stating that Israel would not give up an inch of land and would not take back a single refugee. Hamilton knew that Ben Gurion with his mouth had undermined a peace mission and missed an opportunity to settle the Israeli-Arab conflict.

Nasser even sent his friend Ibrahim Izat of the Ruz El Yusuf weekly paper to meet with Israeli leaders in order to explore the political atmosphere and find out why the attacks were taking place if Israel really wanted peace. One of the men Izat met with was Yigal Yadin, a former Chief of Staff of the army who wrote this letter to me on 14 January 1982:

Dear Mr. Giladi:

Your letter reminded me of an event which I nearly forgot and of which I remember only a few details.

Ibrahim Izat came to me if I am not mistaken under the request of the Foreign Ministry or one of its branches; he stayed in my house and we spoke for many hours. I do not remember him saying that he came on a mission from Nasser, but I have no doubt that he let it be understood that this was with his knowledge or acquiescence....

When Nasser decided to nationalize the Suez Canal in spite of opposition from the British and the French, Radio Cairo announced in Hebrew:

If the Israeli government is not influenced by the British and the French imperialists, it will eventually result in greater understanding between the two states, and Egypt will reconsider Israel's request to have access to the Suez Canal.

Israel responded that it had no designs on Egypt, but at that very moment Israeli representatives were in France planning the three-way attack that was to take place in October, 1956.

All the while, Ben Gurion continued to talk about the Hitler of the Middle East. This brainwashing went on until late September, 1970, when Gamal Abdel Nasser passed away. Then, miracle of miracles, David Ben Gurion told the press:

A week before he died I received an envoy from Abdel Nasser who asked to meet with me urgently in order to solve the problems between Israel and the Arab world.

The public was surprised because they didn't know that Abdel Nasser had wanted this all along, but Israel sabotaged it.

Nasser was not the only Arab leader who wanted to make peace with Israel. There were many others. Brigadier General Abdel Karim Qasem, before he seized power in Iraq in July, 1958, headed an underground organization that sent a delegation to Israel to make a secret agreement. Ben Gurion refused even to see him. I learned about this when I was a journalist in Israel. But whenever I tried to publish even a small part of it, the censor would stamp it "Not Allowed."

Now, in Netanyahu, we are witnessing another attempt by an Israeli prime minister to fake an interest in making peace. Netanyahu and the Likud are setting Arafat up by demanding that he institute more and more repressive measures in the interest of Israeli "security." Sooner or later I suspect the Palestinians will have had enough of Arafat's strong-arm methods as Israel's quisling-and he'll be killed. Then the Israeli government will say, "See, we were ready to give him everything. You can't trust those Arabs-they kill each other. Now there's no one to even talk to about peace."



CONCLUSION

Alexis de Tocqueville once observed that it is easier for the world to accept a simple lie than a complex truth. Certainly it has been easier for the world to accept the Zionist lie that Jews were evicted from Muslim lands because of anti-Semitism, and that Israelis, never the Arabs, were the pursuers of peace. The truth is far more discerning: bigger players on the world stage were pulling the strings.

These players, I believe, should be held accountable for their crimes, particularly when they willfully terrorized, dispossessed and killed innocent people on the altar of some ideological imperative.

I believe, too, that the descendants of these leaders have a moral responsibility to compensate the victims and their descendants, and to do so not just with reparations, but by setting the historical record straight.

That is why I established a panel of inquiry in Israel to seek reparations for Iraqi Jews who had been forced to leave behind their property and possessions in Iraq. That is why I joined the Black Panthers in confronting the Israeli government with the grievances of the Jews in Israel who came from Islamic lands. And that is why I have written my book and this article: to set the historical record straight.


..it is easier for the world to accept a simple lie than a complex truth.

Certainly it has been easier for the world to accept the Zionist lie that Jews were evicted from Muslim lands because of anti-Semitism, and that Israelis, never the Arabs, were the pursuers of peace.

The truth is far more discerning: bigger players on the world stage were pulling the strings.

We Jews from Islamic lands did not leave our ancestral homes because of any natural enmity between Jews and Muslims. And we Arabs-I say Arab because that is the language my wife and I still speak at home-we Arabs on numerous occasions have sought peace with the State of the Jews. And finally, as a U.S. citizen and taxpayer, let me say that we Americans need to stop supporting racial discrimination in Israel and the cruel expropriation of lands in the West Bank, Gaza, South Lebanon and the Golan Heights.



ENDNOTES

[1] Mileshtin was quoted by the Israeli daily, Hadashot, in an article published August 13, 1993. The writer, Sarah Laybobis-Dar, interviewed a number of Israelis who had knowledge of the use of bacteriological weapons in the 1948 war. Mileshtin said bacteria was used to poison the wells of every village emptied of its Arab inhabitants.
[2] On Sept. 12, 1990, the New York State Supreme Court issued a restraining order at the request of the Israeli government to prevent publication of Ostrovsky's book, "By Way of Deception: The Making and Unmaking of a Mossad Officer." The New York State Appeals Court lifted the ban the next day.
[3] Marion Woolfson, "Prophets in Babylon: Jews in the Arab World," p. 129
[4] Yosef Meir, "Road in the Desert," Israeli Defense Ministry, p. 36.
[5] See my book, "Ben Gurion's Scandals," p. 105.
[6] Wilbur Crane Eveland, "Ropes of Sand: America's Failure in the Middle East," NY; Norton, 1980, pp. 48-49.
[7] T. Herzl, "The Complete Diaries," NY: Herzl Press & Thomas Yoncloff, 1960, vol. 1, p. 88.
[8] Report of the Congress of the World Council of Paole Zion, Zurich, July 29-August 7, 1937, pp. 73-74.

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 12:52 schreef Toga het volgende:
TLDR.
Even terug on topic; wie zijn nu, anno 2015, toch die zionisten die zonodig dood moeten?

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 13:07 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

[..]

Dat heb ik nu al drie keer verteld. Telkens beslis jij dat je het niet wilt lezen, of noem je me jodenhater, of noem je me iets anders.

quote:

Je kan dat laatste stuk lezen. Waarin een Arabische Jood en ex-zionist je haarfijn uitlegt wat het zionazisme is en hoe het in elkaar zit.

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 13:36 schreef Toga het volgende:

[..]

Nee, niet gevonden. Ik heb je ook geen jodenhater genoemd, ik heb je alleen gevraagd hoe jij in 2015 het onderscheid tussen een zionist en een jood maakt.

[..]

Oh ja joh? Er worden heden ten dage door zionisten mensen in concentratiekampen gezet, in gaskamers gezet en verbrand? Ik denk dat jij ander nieuws leest dan ik..

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 13:39 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

[..]

Als dat het enige is wat jij onder nazisme verstaat stel ik voor dat je een aantal geschiedenisboeken opentrekt..

Bij wie moeten we dan zijn voor vrede?

Sheytanyahu?

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 13:39 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

[..]

Als dat het enige is wat jij onder nazisme verstaat stel ik voor dat je een aantal geschiedenisboeken opentrekt..

Bij wie moeten we dan zijn voor vrede?

Sheytanyahu?

[ afbeelding ]

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 16:38 schreef Karrs het volgende:

[..]

Ik stel voor dat je dat zelf doet, dan krijg je misschien door dat zionisten met nazi's vergelijken eigenlijk best heel dom is.

En bij wie we moeten zijn voor vrede?

Eerst moet daarvoor de voedingsbodem van de islamitische jodenhaat verdwijnen, of op zijn minst gemarginaliseerd worden. Dat is niet de staat Israël, maar de huidige belijding van de islam. De fundamentele, orthodoxe, extremistische, fascisctische en, inderdaad, nazi-achtige belijding, die het haten en willen vernietigen van andere groeperingen (waaronder bovenal de joden) aanmoedigt in plaats van verwerpt.

Ook het Christendom heeft dat ooit gedaan, opvallend eensgezind in alle verschillende stromingen, maar daar is het van genezen. Dat is binnen de islam ook mogelijk - en hopelijk is de huidige strijd onderling, daar de aanloop van. Want het moet zeer snel duidelijk worden binnen de Arabische wereld dat xenofobie, haat en geweld alleen maar dood, verderf, ellende en verdriet kan voortbrengen, hoe "nobel" het oorspronkelijke doel ook.

Als de islamitische verlichting een feit is, praten we verder. Tot die tijd vrees ik dat er sprake blijft zijn van een mogelijk zeer explosieve conflictsituatie, hoewel gezegd moet worden dat zelfs nu samenwerking, en vrede, best mogelijk blijft - tot op zekere hoogte. Zie Egypte, Jordanië en Turkije.

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 18:51 schreef tfors het volgende:

[..]

In plaats van met de vinger naar de ander te wijzen (edit: zijn we allemaal schuldig aan af en toe, maar lijkt me duidelijk dat dat niets oplost), hoe zie jij eigenlijk een oplossing van het conflict?

quote:

Op donderdag 23 juli 2015 10:14 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

[..]

Sorry hoor, maar jij beschuldigt mij van Jodenhaat?

quote:

Op dinsdag 21 juli 2015 13:24 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

[..]

Fijn! Ik dacht altijd dat ik alleen zionisten haatte.

quote:

Meneer die 1,9 moslims

quote:

op 1 hoop gooit, hun politieke verschillen niet eens kan benoemen en hun allen nazis en fascisten noemt?

quote:

Hoe ik het zie? Een staat waarin iedereen of hij nou moslim, jood, christen, agnost, hindoe, buddhist, polytheist of atheist is. Of hij nu uit het gebied zelf of vanuit Europa is overgevlogen recht heeft om zich te settlen en kan stemmen op zijn vertegenwoordiging.

quote:

Geen Zionazi staat, geen Islamitische staat en al helemaal geen apartheidsstaat. Een seculiere republiek waar gelijke rechten centraal staan. Kortom, terug naar Palestina vóór de bezetting door de extremistische racisten.

quote:

Maar dat willen de zionazis dan weer niet want: "DE MOSLIMS HATEN ONS !!!!!" en : "HAMAS VUURT RAKETTEN AF!!!" "BEZET PALESTINA HEEFT HET RECHT OM PALESTIJNEN UIT TE MOORDEN!!!! " want "MOZES IS HIER 3000 JAAR GELEDEN GEKOMEN!!"

Nazis.

quote:

Op donderdag 23 juli 2015 11:28 schreef Karrs het volgende:

[..]

Nee, van stupiditeit. Met je vergelijkingen. Dat van de jodenhaat zeg je zelf:

quote:

[..]

Dat je met zionisten alleen Israëlische joden bedoelt, doet aan dat feit niets af.

quote:

[..]

Hoe werkt dat

[..]

Ahum. Wat doe jij precies met 'zionisten' dan?

quote:

Overigens dacht ik dat ik heel duidelijk aangaf welke stromingen ik bedoelde, maar ja, dat filter van jou he... je zult het wel weer niet begrepen hebben.

[..]

quote:

Iedereen wát? Samen kan leven? Maar die staat is er toch? Dat is Israël.

[..]

Ahum. Palestina vóór 'de bezetting door extremistische racisten' was een onderdeel van het Britse Rijk, daarvoor van het Ottomaanse Rijk. Op het interbellum na, zo islamitisch als maar kon.

Israël is momenteel veel vrijer dan het ooit is geweest, voor mensen van alle afkomsten. Dat het een primair joodse staat is, is dan jammer, maar helaas. Het is beter dan het alternatief.

[..]

Mafkees.

quote:

Op donderdag 23 juli 2015 11:40 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:
Vraag deze joden anders of ze zich aangesproken voelen als ik zionazis zeg:
http://www.eajg.nl/

quote:

Op donderdag 23 juli 2015 11:45 schreef Specularium het volgende:

[..]

Hey, daar zit Frits Barend ook bij.

quote:

Het Comité van Aanbeveling van EAJG bestaat uit:

Harry de Winter
Hedda van Gennep
Hanneke Groenteman
Felix Rottenberg
Dieuwertje Blok
Marjan Sax

quote:

Op woensdag 22 juli 2015 01:26 schreef Aloulu het volgende:

[..]

Volgens mij is het eerder de overtuiging dat elke geboren jood (van een joodse moeder) een onherroepelijk recht heeft om de eigenaar te zijn van een specifiek gebied in wat wij vandaag het M-Oosten noemen op basis van een bepaalde historische lezing en men daar dus een "joods thuisland" of "joodse staat" mag stichten (meerderheid etnische joods). Ook als dat ten kost van de lokale bevolking gaat. Want in deze lezing waren "de joden er immers ooit eerder al". Men neemt dus slechts terug wat ooit van hen was.

quote:

Je hoeft geen einstein te zijn om te zien dat zo'n overtuiging tot gigantische botsingen gaat leiden en het ook samenhangt van de aannames. De grootste aanname is nog wel dat de hedendaagse mensen die zich joods noemen ook echt "afstammen" van de mensen die meer dan 2000 jaar geleden in een Israelisch rijk woonden. Als joden dat willen geloven is dat hun probleem, net zoals Moslims mogen geloven van Adam en Eva af te stammen. Maar om dat nou als basis te nemen om internationale politiek mee te bedrijven en een volk een land en staat toe te kennen is gestoord. Al helemaal als er een lokale bevolking is die "in de weg zit" en je gewoon opzij moet zetten. Als het om ISIS gaat snappen we dit wel, niemand zegt dat we hen staatsrechtelijk moeten erkennen ondanks dat zij menen slechts hun Islamitische historie te herstellen bijv. Als het om Israel gaat snappen we het niet.

quote:

Op vrijdag 24 juli 2015 16:31 schreef Frikandelbroodje het volgende:
En dat is ook de reden dat zionisme vergelijken met nazisme gewoon idioot is.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:08 schreef al-qahira het volgende:
Nazi's zagen het Duitse volk als superieur en wilde joden doden.
Zionisten zien joden als superieur en willen Arabieren doden.

Ik zie geen verschil.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:14 schreef Slaro het volgende:

[..]

Palestijnen zien Arabieren als superieur en willen Joden en andere minderheden doden.
Wat is de Geschiedenis toch makkelijk als je het zo bekijkt.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:29 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Dat strookt echter niet met de feiten, de Palestijnen vermoorden geen onschuldige joden maar bezetters.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:29 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Dat strookt echter niet met de feiten, de Palestijnen vermoorden geen onschuldige joden maar bezetters.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:31 schreef Slaro het volgende:

[..]

Een bus vol schoolkinderen is een bus vol bezetters in jouw ogen?

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:32 schreef tfors het volgende:
Ik heb nog nooit gehoord dat het in Israel als een heldendaad wordt gezien om Palestijnse burgers te doden, ze proberen het juist zo veel mogelijk te vermijden.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:40 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Ja, het is de schuld van hun ouders als ze omkwamen. Zij hebben ervoor gekozen naar Israel te verhuizen, een entiteit die opgericht is door de oorspronkelijke bewoners te verjagen en te vermoorden, en zelfs het kleine stukje land wat ze nog hebben volgens de VN wordt nog van ze gestolen.
2.000 Palestijnse kinderen heeft Israel al vermoord sinds 2000.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:43 schreef Slaro het volgende:

[..]

Je hebt er dus geen enkel probleem mee dat een Palestijnse zelfmoordterrorist doelbewust, en niet per ongeluk, in een bus vol Israelische schoolkinderen stapt en zichzelf laat ontploffen?!

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:45 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

De schuld ligt dan bij de gestoorde ouders van die kinderen.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:46 schreef Slaro het volgende:

[..]

Volgens mij weet die zelfmoordterrorist heel erg goed dat hij in een bus vol schoolkinderen stapt hij had ook, in mijn ogen evenmin acceptabel, een groep soldaten kunnen kiezen.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:47 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Hij zou dan misschien een paar terroristen gedood kunnen hebben, bij een bus is de impact vele malen groter en dus de pijn die de bezetters lijden.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:51 schreef Slaro het volgende:

[..]

Je verdedigt dus niet alleen de moord op Israelische kinderen je juicht het nog toe ook, belangrijk dat je dit zegt, het onderstreept immers het grote verschil in hoe de Palestijnen (plus aanhang) en Israel in dit conflict staan. Je kan zeggen dat Israel ook het doden van Palestijnse kinderen verdedigt, bijvoorbeeld als een ongeluk of dat het de schuld van Hamas is, maar Israel juicht het niet toe dat is het grote verschil in ieder geval.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:55 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Jawel, een minister in het kabinet van Israel zei dat de Palestijnse kinderen slangen zijn en dat alle Palestijnse moeders gedood moeten worden.
Tevens zitten de bezetters en Palestijnen ook in een hele andere situatie, de Palestijnen zijn het slachtoffer en hebben een veeeeel lagere levensstandaard dan de bezetters.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:01 schreef Slaro het volgende:

[..]

Wat voor recht heb jij om een dergelijke Israelische minister te beschuldigen, of hij dat nu wel of niet heeft gezegd, als jij vrijwel precies hetzelfde doet?!

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:42 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

De oprichting van Israel wordt niet gevierd in Israel?

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:04 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Omdat de Palestijnen de slachtoffers zijn en het recht daar toe hebben terwijl de zionisten de bezetters zijn.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:05 schreef Slaro het volgende:

[..]

Ik ben een Zionist en ik zie de Palestijnen niet als slachtoffer en toch juich ik het niet toe als Palestijnse kinderen worden gedood dat is nogal een verschil tussen ons lijkt me zo.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:09 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Jawel, maar dat zie jij niet. Het zijn van een zionist betekend dat je de verjaging van de Palestijnse bevolking en het doden van duizenden Palestijnen goedkeurt.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:11 schreef Slaro het volgende:

[..]

Het zijn van een Zionist betekent dat ik de oprichting en het in stand houden van de Joodse staat steun. Ik zal nooit de verjaging of het doden van welk volk dan ook steunen dus daar gaat je stellinginname al.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:09 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Jawel, maar dat zie jij niet. Het zijn van een zionist betekend dat je de verjaging van de Palestijnse bevolking en het doden van duizenden Palestijnen goedkeurt.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:04 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Omdat de Palestijnen de slachtoffers zijn en het recht daar toe hebben terwijl de zionisten de bezetters zijn.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 18:08 schreef al-qahira het volgende:
Nazi's zagen het Duitse volk als superieur en wilde joden doden.
Zionisten zien joden als superieur en willen Arabieren doden.

Ik zie geen verschil.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:13 schreef Gerolsteiner het volgende:

[..]

En dat bepaal jij even?

Ik bepaal zelf wel wat Zionist betekent. Jouw droomwereldje boeit niemand.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:12 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

En hoe is die oprichting tot stand gekomen?
Door het verjagen en doden van Palestijnen.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:14 schreef Gerolsteiner het volgende:

[..]

Ja, en daarom wonen 1,7 miljoen Arabieren gezellig binnen de 1967-grenzen, omdat Israel ze wil uitmoorden.

Doe lekker je computer uit, want dit wordt niets meer met jou.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:16 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Er wonen ook aardig wat joden in Iran, met deze redenatie kunnen we dus die argumenten van Israel over Iran ook in de prullenbak gooien. En in tegenstelling tot de Arabieren in Israel klagen de Iraanse joden niet over discriminatie.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:14 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Aparte definitie van zionist heb jij als dat niet het steunen van de oprichting van Israel inhoudt.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:22 schreef Slaro het volgende:

[..]

Aardig wat?
Minder dan 10.000 terwijl er rond 1948 nog zo'n 150.000 Joden in Iran woonden en op dit moment zo'n 350.000 Joden van Perzische komaf zijn!

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:29 schreef Frikandelbroodje het volgende:

[..]

Waarom is dat een aparte definitie?

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:32 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Ik heb nog nooit gehoord van iemand die zich zionist noemt maar tegen Israel is.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:31 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

Omdat ze veel geld kregen van de zionisten om te emigreren. Dat doet er niks aan af dat de 10.000 joden die nu in Iran in vrede leven en dezelfde rechten hebben als moslims en christenen. De Iraanse joden steunen Iran en zijn tegen Israel terwijl de Arabieren in Israel klagen over discriminatie en tegen Israel zijn.

Israeli-Arab Nayef Al Haib Speaks Against BDS on Arabic TV

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:13 schreef Gerolsteiner het volgende:

[..]

En dat bepaal jij even?

Ik bepaal zelf wel wat Zionist betekent. Jouw droomwereldje boeit niemand.

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 19:37 schreef Frikandelbroodje het volgende:

[..]

En wat bedoel je precies met 'Israël'? De huidige staat van Israël en de manier waarop deze tot stand is gekomen of een Joodse staat in zijn geheel?

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 20:28 schreef Slaro het volgende:
Ze kregen geld om te emigreren, vertel daar eens iets meer over, en wist je dat er nog zo'n 80.000 Joden in Iran woonden voor de Islamitische revolutie waarom zouden die vertrekken als ze in vrede leefden en met dezelfde rechten als de Moslims en Christenen

Iranian Jews to Israel: Our National Idenity is Not for Sale

quote:

vrijwel nooit in welk Islamitisch geleid land dan ook heeft een minderheid dezelfde rechten als de Moslims gehad overigens

quote:

Genoeg voorbeelden van Arabische Israeliers die de staat Israel wel degelijk steunen en niet eens in een Palestijnse staat willen wonen

quote:

Op zaterdag 25 juli 2015 21:00 schreef al-qahira het volgende:

[..]

De entiteit die is opgericht in 1948.

quote:

Op zondag 26 juli 2015 14:02 schreef Frikandelbroodje het volgende:

[..]

Aha. Er zijn meer dan genoeg mensen die zionist zijn, maar wel tegen de manier zijn waarop Israël is ontstaan en nog steeds bestaat.

Nogal dom om hen te vergelijken met nazi's qahira. Jullie gooien je eigen glazen in.

twitter:

eddie1971nyc twitterde op zondag 26-07-2015 om 03:03:28 RT 💫One of the worlds oldest churches was burnt down by Zionists in ISRAEL yet there was no media coverage @CNN http://t.co/Yh37AroGyh reageer retweet

quote:

Op zondag 26 juli 2015 10:36 schreef Toga het volgende:
Iets zegt me dat al-qahira ouders of grootouders heeft die zich (ver) na 1948 in Nederland hebben gevestigd. Mocht er ooit een nieuwe Hitler opstaan vraag ik me af of ze nog eens met de opmerking: "kinderen zijn valide doelen, hadden de ouders zich maar niet in het Europa moeten vestigen" durft te komen.

quote:

Op zondag 26 juli 2015 16:19 schreef Karrs het volgende:

[..]

Bron? "Palestine IS"...?

quote:

Op zondag 26 juli 2015 15:24 schreef Geoffrey het volgende:

twitter:

eddie1971nyc twitterde op zondag 26-07-2015 om 03:03:28 RT 💫One of the worlds oldest churches was burnt down by Zionists in ISRAEL yet there was no media coverage @CNN http://t.co/Yh37AroGyh reageer retweet

[ afbeelding ][ afbeelding ][ afbeelding ]

quote:

Op zondag 26 juli 2015 16:19 schreef Karrs het volgende:

[..]

Bron? "Palestine IS"...?

Rot toch op, haatbaard.

quote:

Fire at 'Loaves and Fishes' church was arson, Israeli police say
http://edition.cnn.com/20(...)ristian-church-fire/

quote:

Israeli police make arrests in 'Loaves and Fishes' church arson
http://edition.cnn.com/20(...)church-fire-arrests/

quote:

Violence at Temple Mount on Tisha B'Av
Police force their way into al-Aqsa Mosque, where Arab youths equipped with stones and fireworks barricaded themselves overnight; police officers wounded; riot dispersed.

Police forced their way into al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem on Sunday morning, with several officers wounded after Arab youths threw stones and launched fireworks at them.

Jerusalem District Police received information that some youths had barricaded themselves inside the mosque overnight and collected stones, planks, and Molotov cocktails with the purpose of altercating with police and disturbing the visits of Jews arriving at the Temple Mount complex for Tisha B'Av prayers.

Tisha B'Av is an annual fast day commemorating the destruction of the First and Second Temples in Jerusalem. Palestinians were angered by what they considered intrusions by Jews. Visits are allowed, but Jewish prayer at the site is prohibited.

[..]

http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4684025,00.html

quote:

Op zondag 26 juli 2015 17:27 schreef jamesdeen het volgende:

[..]


[..]

Hij heeft een beetje gelijk.

[..]


@CNN