[Centraal] Turkije mengt zich in Syrisch conflict #7

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Op woensdag 16 september 2015 19:04 schreef Triggershot het volgende:

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Misschien moet je eerst stilstaan bij het verschil tussen de Koerden en de PKK?

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Op woensdag 16 september 2015 19:28 schreef Triggershot het volgende:

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Doen ze al, je gaat bijna flinke klappen krijgen als je zegt dat Koerden verraders zijn, nu krijgen massaal de Armenen de schuld.

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Op woensdag 16 september 2015 18:59 schreef Infection het volgende:

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IS is tenslotte een groter gevaar dan de Koerden.

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ISTANBUL — Hours after President Recep Tayyip Erdogan lashed out against a prominent newspaper here, an angry mob of his supporters descended on the publication’s headquarters, smashing windows, chanting profanities and trying to storm the building.

Two days later, while the government kept silent over the episode, Mr. Erdogan bashed the newspaper for a second time, criticizing its staff for distorting his words in a Twitter post. That attack ignited a second wave of violent protest, prompting the newspaper’s editor to flee the building and make a live plea on television for police intervention.

“I’ve been a journalist for 40 years and it’s the first time I’ve been subjected to an attack involving sticks and stones,” said Sedat Ergin, the editor in chief of Hurriyet, one of Turkey’s most influential newspapers. “If our paper is being physically attacked twice in 48 hours by violent mobs, then we must accept that this is now an issue about our life safety.”

The attacks are part of a growing campaign of intimidation against the opposition news media here. Over the last two weeks, three foreign journalists have been deported from Turkey; scores of people have been investigated on accusations of insulting the president; and a magazine and opposition news media organization have been raided, with some of their executives being investigated on terrorism charges.

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Riot police officers stood guard outside the offices of the Hurriyet newspaper in Istanbul this month after an angry mob attacked the headquarters. Credit Reuters
Even for Turkey, which is known as a hostile environment for journalists and ranks 149th out of 180 countries on the Reporters Without Borders news media freedom index, the wave of crackdowns has been fierce, with a new trend of violent attacks inspired by Turkish politicians.

“Turkey’s steady backslide on press freedom has gone into high gear over the past month,” Nina Ognianova, the Europe and Central Asia program coordinator for the Committee to Protect Journalists, wrote in an email.

One of the leaders of the first protest against Hurriyet, on Sept. 6, was Abdurrahim Boynukalin, a deputy for the governing Justice and Development Party. He delivered a speech outside of the newspaper’s offices vowing to make Mr. Erdogan an all-powerful president by ensuring that his party wins an absolute majority in a November election.

In video footage that surfaced after the episode, Mr. Boynukalin is seen addressing a group of Justice and Development supporters expressing regret for not having assaulted Hurriyet journalists before. “Our mistake was that we never beat them in the past,” he said.

A week later, Mr. Boynukalin was promoted to the high council of his party.

“The attacks terrorized me,” said Emre Kizilkaya, the managing editor of Hurriyet Daily News, the English-language version of the newspaper. “It’s hard to feel safe at work. Hurriyet’s management is doing everything to ensure our safety, but the Turkish authorities have failed to bring the attackers to justice, and the president is yet to condemn the attack.”

Pro-government journalists have participated in the smear campaign against the newspaper. In a column last week, Cem Kucuk of the Star Newspaper accused the veteran Hurriyet columnist Ahmet Hakan of backing Kurdish rebels of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party.

“We could crush you like a fly if we want,” Mr. Kucuk wrote in his Sept. 9 column. “We have been merciful until today, and you are still alive.”

Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu expressed his disapproval of the assault on Hurriyet on Tuesday, a week after the second attack.

Media rights groups criticized the government for lagging in its response to the attacks.

“The government should make every effort to ensure acts of violence are fully investigated and those responsible brought to justice,” said Emma Sinclair-Webb, senior Turkey researcher for Human Rights Watch. “They must send out a strong message that lynch mobs should not be part of Turkey’s political culture.”

The clampdown against opposition news media outlets and their journalists is unfolding against the backdrop of a renewed conflict between Kurdish militants and Turkish security forces in the country’s volatile southeast. That, in turn, comes ahead of the critical election in November where Justice and Development aims to regain the parliamentary majority it lost in the June 7 election after more than a decade of single-party governance.

Analysts say the intimidation tactics seem to be working, with news outlets censoring their coverage of the escalating violence in the Kurdish southeast for fear of being prosecuted on terrorism charges.

Late last month, the Turkish authorities arrested two British journalists and one Iraqi journalist working for Vice News while they were covering clashes between Turkish police forces and Kurdish militants in the southeast. The Britons were deported, but their colleague remains in jail. A Dutch journalist was deported last week after being detained on suspicion of aiding the Kurdish militants.

Ms. Ognianova says the ongoing detention of the Iraqi journalist, Mohammed Ismael Rasool; the deportation of the Dutch freelancer, Frederike Geerdink; and the prosecution of journalists and news media outlets — all on broad terrorism charges — once again show that unless Turkey carries out a meaningful legal reform, the government will continue to use “archaic, vaguely worded laws” to intimidate journalists.

The Turkish police raided a weekly newsmagazine, Nokta, on Monday and banned its latest edition from distribution because of its cover, which depicted a mocked-up selfie of Mr. Erdogan grinning in front of the coffin of a fallen soldier. The magazine has been charged with “insulting the president” and “making terrorist propaganda.”

A couple of days after the attacks on Hurriyet, the newspaper’s chairwoman, Vuslat Dogan Sabanci, gathered staff members outside the vandalized building and vowed to keep producing independent journalism.

“I strongly condemn this violence that shattered the door that opens to our peace and freedoms, attacking our unity and fraternity,” she said, addressing her staff and a gathering of reporters from other publications. “The reason is our independent publishing stance, under very hard conditions. Our readers and viewers should know something well: Being targeted in attacks of intimidation by club-swinging and stone-throwing groups cannot and will not scare us.”

Almost a week later, after the newspaper replaced its shattered windows and things seemed to be back to normal — except for the presence of riot police officers in the building — Turkish prosecutors said they were investigating the newspaper for spreading “terrorist propaganda,” the semiofficial Anadolu News Agency reported.

According to the report, the office of Istanbul’s chief prosecutor accepted the front page of a pro-government tabloid newspaper as evidence to support a criminal charge.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 13:40 schreef W.H.I.S.T.L.E het volgende:
Wanneer ik de nieuwsberichten in Turkije volg, over hoe ver sommige journalisten kunnen gaan met hun leugens verspreiden, denk ik dat het goed is dat deze vastzitten.
Dat is niets anders dan opruien.
Kom het zelf ook vaak tegen op sociale media.
Bijvoorbeeld foto's plaatsen van slachtoffers in Syrië , met een onderschrift alsof deze in Turkije gevallen zijn.

Gisteren is in Israel een wet aangenomen in het parlement dat de soldaten/politie of whatever toestemming geeft om met scherp te schieten op stenen gooiende vreedzaam demonstrerende Palestijnen.NL media lees ik niets erover.
Hoorde het zelf op de Turkse radio.
Ik denk dat dit een goed idee is om het in Turkije ook te doen.

Laatst zag ik molotof gooiende terroristen sympathisanten alleen natgespoten worden.Ik vind dat veel te soft.
Goed dat ik zelf geen politie of soldaat ben, anders had ik ze gewoon neergemaaid, ook al zouden de orders van mijn meerdere niet schieten zijn.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 13:48 schreef primakov het volgende:

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Wat goed toch van de Turkse media dat je dat soort berichten daar wel ziet, maar niet in de Nederlandse media. Komt natuurlijk omdat we hier zo biased zijn, hulde aan de Turkse media!

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 13:49 schreef W.H.I.S.T.L.E het volgende:

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Ken je die ene van NOS met Poetin?
Ja, we zijn biased. Toch? Of alleen als het je uitkomt?

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 13:40 schreef W.H.I.S.T.L.E het volgende:
Wanneer ik de nieuwsberichten in Turkije volg, over hoe ver sommige journalisten kunnen gaan met hun leugens verspreiden, denk ik dat het goed is dat deze vastzitten.
Dat is niets anders dan opruien.
Kom het zelf ook vaak tegen op sociale media.
Bijvoorbeeld foto's plaatsen van slachtoffers in Syrië , met een onderschrift alsof deze in Turkije gevallen zijn.

Gisteren is in Israel een wet aangenomen in het parlement dat de soldaten/politie of whatever toestemming geeft om met scherp te schieten op stenen gooiende vreedzaam demonstrerende Palestijnen.NL media lees ik niets erover.
Hoorde het zelf op de Turkse radio.
Ik denk dat dit een goed idee is om het in Turkije ook te doen.

Laatst zag ik molotof gooiende terroristen sympathisanten alleen natgespoten worden.Ik vind dat veel te soft.
Goed dat ik zelf geen politie of soldaat ben, anders had ik ze gewoon neergemaaid, ook al zouden de orders van mijn meerdere niet schieten zijn.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 13:52 schreef primakov het volgende:

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Is de Turkse media objectiever dan de Nederlandse?

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 13:57 schreef Richestorags het volgende:

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Ja en met het neermaaien van mensen wordt de lieve vrede bewaard.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:00 schreef W.H.I.S.T.L.E het volgende:

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Ja, ik lees geen anti-NL nieuws op NL media.
In Turkije barst het met anti-Turkije(overheid) nieuws. 90% is niet waar, en toch lopen deze journalisten vrij rond.Dat enkele banden hebben met terroristische organisaties klopt gewoon.
En daarvoor zitten ze vast, en niet omdat ze de regering bekritiseren ofzo.

Dat kan ik zelf ook.
Iets slechts schrijven over Rutte, en dan iets crimineels gaan doen. En wanneer ik opgepakt word over dat crimineels, dan zeggen dat ze mij moesten hebben, omdat ik iets slechts had gezegd over Rutte, en dat de vrijheid van mening uiten naar de klote is in NL.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:00 schreef W.H.I.S.T.L.E het volgende:

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Denk jij ook zo over IS?

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:05 schreef primakov het volgende:

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Wat een argumentatie van lik m'n vestje zeg. Anti-x land nieuws laten zien als graadmeter nemen voor objectiviteit. Jij bent hier degene die voor het vastzetten van journalisten is als ze leugens verspreiden, volgens mij dient er nog een eerlijk proces aan vooraf te gaan.

Dat ze banden hebben met terroristische organisaties dient bewezen te worden in een onafhankelijk proces, niet gebaseerd op de verdenkingen van iemand. Voor de rest ga ik niet eens meer in op je stuk als je durft te stellen dat de vrijheid van meningsuiting in Nederland naar de klote is, in vergelijking met Turkije. Dan ben je mijns inziens te geïnternaliseerd door de ideeën en idioterie die Recep uitkraamt. Ook wel eng om figuren als jij hier te hebben, soort verlengde arm van de AKP geïndoctrineerd door de belachelijke wereldvisie van Recep.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:07 schreef Richestorags het volgende:

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Nee, maar IS staat niet gelijk aan de PKK.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:07 schreef Richestorags het volgende:

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Nee, maar IS staat niet gelijk aan de PKK.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:09 schreef W.H.I.S.T.L.E het volgende:

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en jij bent zeker pro-Poetin.
Toch?

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:09 schreef W.H.I.S.T.L.E het volgende:

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Klopt, pkk heeft meer slachtoffers gemaakt dan IS.
Vooral onder de Turken.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:12 schreef Richestorags het volgende:

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Het zit diep he? Niemand maakt zich druk om de PKK behalve wat butthurt Kemalisten terwijl de hele wereld zich bezig houdt met IS

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:13 schreef ClapClapYourHands het volgende:

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En Turkije boeit het niet dat IS een terreurdreiging in Europa is. Wat is je punt?

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:14 schreef ClapClapYourHands het volgende:
www.haberler.com/tugrul-t(...)oldu-7704579-haberi/

Turkes overgestapt naar de AKP. Ben benieuwd hoeveel stemmen hij van de MHP naar AKP zal brengen...

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:16 schreef Richestorags het volgende:

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Daarom heeft Turkije ook heel wat matties verloren. Bovendien is IS lang niet zo'n groot gevaar voor Europa als voor Syrië of Irak. Feit blijft dat heel de wereld zich druk om hen maakt en de PKK nooit de wereld heeft kunnen boeien.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:16 schreef primakov het volgende:
Het maakt dit topic er niet overzichtelijker op voor de niet-Turks lezenden door steeds maar Turkse artikelen neer te plempen. Vertaal het of geef een engelse link?

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:22 schreef Frutsel het volgende:

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Goed idee!

en Turkse Politiek kan denk ik in POL... of gaat het ook nog een klein beetje over de titel?

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:23 schreef ClapClapYourHands het volgende:

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De komende verkiezingen zullen flink wat invloed hebben op de situatie rondom Syrië, PKK etc.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:28 schreef ClapClapYourHands het volgende:
www.haberler.com/mus-ta-pkk-ya-agir-darbe-7704373-haberi/

4 PKK ratten afgemaakt in Mus en 1 ton aan TNT en een aantal wapens onderschept in Tunceli door het Turkse leger

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:31 schreef Frutsel het volgende:

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Ik kan het niet lezen. Kom eens met Nederlandse of Engelse bronnen aub

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:45 schreef ClapClapYourHands het volgende:
En dan mogen we niet eens nieuws mbt de politiek in Turkije posten, iets wat juist interessant is gezien de huidige situatie in Turkije.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:46 schreef Triggershot het volgende:

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Hey Erdogan!

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:51 schreef ClapClapYourHands het volgende:
Maar goed, ik zal voortaan alleen nieuw posten als er een Nederlandse bron is. Tot na de verkiezingen

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:31 schreef Frutsel het volgende:

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Ik kan het niet lezen. Kom eens met Nederlandse of Engelse bronnen aub

twitter:

BBCWorld twitterde op vrijdag 18-09-2015 om 14:06:04 Children paying a heavy price in conflict between Turkey & PKK rebels, BBC's @marklowen says http://t.co/7bjLCigSCy http://t.co/cOCpANQj8A reageer retweet

twitter:

BBCWorld twitterde op vrijdag 18-09-2015 om 07:22:55 VIDEO: Turkey-PKK conflict 'escalating fast' http://t.co/oiIiHZwbwK reageer retweet

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Op donderdag 17 september 2015 16:35 schreef ClapClapYourHands het volgende:
Nieuwe beelden uit Van
http://cdn.ciner.com.tr/h(...)D952820F_640x360.mp4

2 terroristen uitgeschakeld.

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Op vrijdag 18 september 2015 14:31 schreef Frutsel het volgende:

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Ik kan het niet lezen. Kom eens met Nederlandse of Engelse bronnen aub

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Op zondag 20 september 2015 14:41 schreef Slayage het volgende:
nichtje van ocalan, dilek ocalan, volksvertegenwoordiger van de HDPkk, naast salih muslim bij de PYD congres in syrie. de PKK heeft niks te maken met de PYD
[ afbeelding ]

http://www.sabah.com.tr/g(...)vekilleri-de-katildi

twitter:

RudawEnglish twitterde op zondag 20-09-2015 om 09:27:32 #PYD holds its sixth congress- http://t.co/LejM5hEELj reageer retweet

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So far, Israel has not made any public comments about what lies behind the wave of Middle Eastern refugees now sweeping across Europe. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is proud that no illegal immigrants have gained access to Israel via Egypt since his erection of a fence along the southern border. At a ceremony on Sept. 6 to mark the start of a new fence along Israel’s eastern border with Jordan, Netanyahu said, “This is a success that almost no Western country — and very few countries at all — has been able to achieve, but Israel has achieved it, and I am determined to continue this on Israel's other borders.” At the same event, Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon said, “We can see the stream of refugees washing over Europe. What is happening in Europe could have happened to us, had we not behaved in an intelligent manner.”

Senior Israeli political sources consider the current wave of refugees additional proof of what they call “President Barack Obama’s failed Middle East policy.” “If Obama had bombed [Syrian President Bashar al-] Assad, all of this would have been avoided,” said a senior source who requested anonymity. He was referring to two years ago, when Assad crossed the US president’s “red line” by using chemical weapons, but instead of attacking, Obama decided on disarmament. In response to a question about what would stop the flood of refugees now, the source said, “There is no way of avoiding boots on the ground in a simultaneous attack against Assad and the Islamic State [IS].”

Israel is not only pleased that it is not along the refugees’ route, it is also experiencing a sense of schadenfreude. Europe has not held back in its criticism of how Israel is treating the Palestinians, even while it avoids responding to the collapse of Syria and Iraq. Now, however, Europe is being forced to directly contend with these nations’ collapse with the consequences having reached its own territory. The one person deemed responsible for transferring the problem from the Middle East to the heart of Europe is Turkey's former prime minister and current president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Israel doesn't hold this against him.

Turkey was the first country to receive and embrace the refugees when Syria’s civil war broke out four years ago. Erdogan had turned Assad from a strategic ally into his No. 1 enemy, and by receiving the refugees he believed that he could convince NATO to act more decisively against the Syrian central government. When he realized that the United States and other Western leaders were not acting with what he considered to be sufficient determination against the Syrian president, Erdogan pinned his hopes on what became IS. Every so often, the Turkish media divulged information about how Turkish intelligence supported IS, and a senior Israeli official confirmed the allegations to Al-Monitor. “He funded them,” he said, referring to the relationship between Erdogan and IS.

What the Turkish president was effectively doing was funding IS with one hand while absorbing and supporting the refugees fleeing from it with the other. Erdogan believed that the larger the number of displaced Syrians, the better his chances of convincing the international community of the need to enforce a no-fly zone across northern Syria, where the refugees could ostensibly be settled. To ensure that this would become the preferred solution, the Turkish authorities made it difficult for refugees, now numbering close to 2 million, to leave for third countries. As their numbers in Turkey reached a critical mass, NATO member states would be more likely to act, Erdogan had hoped.

The body of Aylan al-Kurdi, 3, washed up on the shore of Bodrum, Turkey, in early September after the boat he was in with his parents capsized en route to Europe. His aunt has said that the family took the deadly journey because the United Nations had refused to grant them refugee status, and Turkish authorities had refused to grant them exit visas.

Flights from Istanbul to Munich cost much less than the exorbitant sums that the refugees are paying human traffickers. In addition, air travel is safe. The problem is that the refugees do not have visas, and it is virtually impossible for them to obtain one.

At first, Turkey did everything it could to block the sea routes being used for illegal immigration to Europe. Later, however, with NATO refusing to take action to overthrow Assad, and with IS failing to fulfill Erdogan's hope that it decisively defeat the Alawite leader, Turkey decided to make things difficult for Europe by shifting some of the pressure there. Over the past few months, Turkey stopped blocking the refugees' movement westward. The Israeli source said that it is quite possible that the same Turkish security forces that had helped IS are enabling the human smugglers.

On Sept. 11, French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius suspended his country’s honorary consul in Bodrum after learning that she had been helping refugees leave for Europe illegally. In a conversation filmed by hidden camera for France’s Channel 2, the consul, who sells refugees rubber dinghies intended for use in a pool, not the open seas by which they hope to reach the Greek island of Kos, said, “The municipality is helping with the traffic [of refugees by sea]. The harbormaster is helping with their trafficking. The governor of the district is helping with their trafficking.”

Fabius’ response was a symbolic but appropriate act against the owner of the boating store, where refugees can purchase the equipment they need to leave Turkey on a hazardous, life-threatening voyage to enter Europe illegally. The problem is that he had the wrong address.

Diplomatic sources in Israel say that none of this could have happened without Erdogan’s government allowing it. For four years, Erdogan has been taking in refugees in the hope that he could use them to overthrow Assad. Since everything he had tried had failed, and Assad remains in power (if only in control of a small part of his once-large country), Erdogan is now trying to create intolerable human pressure in the heart of Europe. The assessment in Israel is that the Turks believe that by doing this, they can force its NATO allies to deal with the root of the problem by making a concerted effort to remove Assad from the equation.

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The Aug. 27 arrests of two journalists and their translator in Turkey raised important questions about freedom of the press and human rights in the country. But it also brought to light issues about cybersecurity, privacy and a not-so-well-known concern: A lot of people who need to understand encryption software do not.

Many observers say the journalists were arrested to keep them from documenting clashes between the government and the youth wing of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). It was peculiar that the men initially were arrested for allegedly working with the Islamic State (IS) and later were accused of aiding the outlawed PKK. The basis for those accusations apparently was that the men were using the same Internet encryption software used by IS.

One Washington correspondent for a Turkish daily newspaper recently said on Twitter that he uses only open-source information and has nothing to hide, so he doesn't need encryption on his electronic devices. His baffled followers tried to explain what encryption is, why it is a necessity and how several services and gadgets provide it by default. This is just one of many examples that make it clear the concept is misunderstood among Turks.

While other Turkish media outlets were struggling to challenge the government on censorship, the right to encryption got lost in the bigger picture in Turkey. To understand the fine balance between online security and privacy in Turkey, Al-Monitor spoke with law enforcement officials, civilians who have been in custody multiple times for political charges, computer scientists and security experts.

Remzi Seker, a cybersecurity professor at Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University, told Al-Monitor, “Encryption is a commodity. ... Using it makes someone a terrorist as much as using a safe does.” Other technology experts have likened encryption to curtains or the lock on a front door; drawing the curtains and locking doors do not make someone a criminal or mean that a person has something to hide from law enforcement.

Battles over encryption — a frontier of civil liberties and personal privacy — is a hot topic all around the world among private companies, civil rights groups and governments.

First, we must understand what encryption entails. There are two uses of encryption. One is called end-to-end encryption, which is used when correspondence doesn't need to be saved. As soon as the chat is deleted it is gone; it is not stored anywhere and cannot be retrieved by service providers. For example, Apple’s iMessage, as well as chat applications such as Telegram or Signal, provide end-to-end encryption. A quick Google search provides several other programs that use end-to-end encryption.

The second form of encryption involves encoding data on a storage medium. This method often involves using an encryption/decryption system on a device. This use may prevent anyone, except for the owner, from accessing the data and photo files on the gadget. Considering the amount of sensitive information easily uploaded on any tablet or phone, such as health or bank records, encryption becomes a necessity for regular people, rather than a fancy tool for high-rolling spies. Indeed, lawyers, journalists, medical doctors, financial advisers or anyone carrying information about their clients is also accountable for protecting this data. Security, confidentiality and privacy can fall prey to savvy hackers.

Governments are concerned that if left unmonitored, Internet activity could endanger public safety and national security. Experts argue that strong encryption systems make the world safer, although some do report that the costs of providing exceptional access to data by law enforcement can outweigh the benefits of encryption.

However, one senior police officer from Istanbul, who asked to remain anonymous, praised the help he receives from the virtual world. “[Now that] law enforcement is well-versed in the technological developments, we see that we are now much better equipped with incredible surveillance capabilities such as geolocation gadgets, GPS tracking tools, street cameras, meta-data collection, phone tapping and of course physical surveillance with clear voice and image capturing,” he told Al-Monitor. “[If] you ban one service, users will shift to foreign software. VPN [virtual private networks] and other proxies are heavily used [to skirt] the Twitter bans in Turkey.”

Murat Lostar, CEO and founder of Lostar Information Security, told Al-Monitor, “The situation is complicated in Turkey. Even the encrypted phones can be tapped by the government if needed. And some of the rules on technology date back to the Cold War. For example, to own a short-wave radio you need an official permit.”

A civil rights activist and Alevi Kurd who asked to remain anonymous explained to Al-Monitor, “I have been arrested eight times since 2001. I had a cellphone with me for the last five of these arrests. The police officers have grown increasingly aggressive about accessing my phone. I worry not what is on my phone, but what evidence they could plant against me. That is my fear.”

Cybersecurity expert Lostar worries about attacks on government software systems by hackers. Lostar told Al-Monitor, “The weakest link in the security chain for cybersafety of governmental systems is human resources. Given how much information is stored in [government] databases, I am concerned about a breach.”

Can Duruk, a privacy-conscious technologist from Silicon Valley, concurs with Lostar and emphasizes additional dangers that might await Turkish citizens.

“Imagine being a gay man in Turkey," Duruk said. "The only way to get an exemption from the military is to declare that you are actually gay, in writing. Now, who's to say that something similar to what happened in Poland with Operation Hyacinth won't happen in Turkey? Or, think about all the people who have actually participated in all the gay pride parades in Istanbul. Do people think that all those street cameras will work for them or against them now? They surely haven't helped much in the case of Berkin Elvan or Ali Ismail Korkmaz or many others [the young victims of the Gezi protests].”

Duruk, like other experts, was clear that encryption is a necessity. He said many journalists on Twitter enable people to communicate with them privately by using encryption that conceals their identities and the contents of their messages.

"I've seen very few journalists in Turkey do that or [who] even know what encryption can buy them," he said. "They can not only protect their sources, but also themselves.”

Given all these facts, one cannot help but wonder why encryption was portrayed as the reason the Vice News crew was arrested. One security expert who has worked with Turkish bureaucracy for more than three decades told Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity, “My guess is the bureaucrat saw the word 'encrypted' and ran with it. I cannot know who this senior official is, but I can assure you it is not from the military or intelligence community, because those guys know this sort of explanation is just nonsense.” This case shows us not only that encryption is a necessity and much misunderstood in Turkey, but also that reporters should scrutinize and cross-check their sources rather than simply repeating statements.

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The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has ruled Turkey single-handedly for more than a decade, winning a solid majority in three successive elections, in 2002, 2007 and 2011.

September 18, 2015
It not only won every election, it increased its share of votes each time. In 2002, less than a year after it was founded, the AKP became a single-party government, surprising many in and outside Turkey by pulling in around 34% of the votes cast.

The 2007 election followed an acute political crisis. The staunchly secularist Turkish military, which remained the loyal watchdog of Kemalist principles, was still a very powerful element in Turkish politics in 2007. It did not embrace the idea of a president whose wife wore the Islamic headscarf. After the military staged a covert intervention, triggering the political crisis, the AKP emerged even stronger. Thanks to its majority in the parliament, the AKP amended the constitution, changed the rules for electing the president and called for earlier elections. The party won 47% in the elections, which culminated in one of its founding leaders, then-Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul, becoming the 11th president of the republic.

Elections in 2011 led to another stunning victory: The AKP won by 50%. That support emboldened party leader and then-Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan to seek to transform the political system from a largely ceremonial one to an executive presidency. He was only short a few seats to amend the constitution.

His ambition soared following August 2014, when he was elected president by direct popular vote for the first time. He was elected in the first round with an impressive 52%.

Hence, Erdogan expected the parliamentary elections on June 7 to remove the last bump in his course for an executive presidency by giving him sufficient seats for a constitutional amendment that would provide a legal endorsement for him, even though he had already started to function as a de facto executive president.

Erdogan and his cohorts yearned for a presidency reminiscent of the glorious days of an Ottoman sultan. The AKP would effectively be "the party" of “New Turkey.” That characterization, New Turkey, was coined personally by Erdogan himself and immediately adopted by AKP loyalists. The connotation was unequivocal: Erdogan’s New Turkey would replace the “old one” of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. Therefore, Islamism would become the unwritten state ideology, replacing Kemalism.

But the fairy tale ended that very day, June 7. The AKP won 258 seats out of 550 and was the leading party, but it did not receive a large enough margin to form the single-party government that Erdogan needed to implement his agenda. The election results made power sharing a necessity.

Unwilling to accept that outcome, Erdogan steered the country toward a "do-over" election, to be held Nov. 1.

Turkey is dangerously polarized and, with the breakdown of the cease-fire with the Kurds, is in a deadly spiral of violence that is claiming the lives of scores of people, from security forces to ordinary civilians in the southeast and east, where Kurds constitute the overwhelming majority of the inhabitants.

These are the circumstances prior to the Nov. 1 repeat election, when Erdogan expects to achieve what he could not in June. This is the context needed to understand the consequences of the AKP convention that convened last week.

The convention was held during the hiatus between the two elections and confirmed Erdogan's strong grip on the party. An ambassador of a leading European country who was among the “VIP” in the congress hall told me, “In fact, it has been a purge congress for all the party’s heavyweights, from former President Abdullah Gul to the new chairman of the party, the current prime minister, Ahmet Davutoglu.”

For Gul and Bulent Arinc, former speaker of parliament and the spokesman of both Erdogan's and Davutoglu's governments, it did, indeed, look like a purge. Gul and Arinc, along with Erdogan, had represented the party's three big guns, “the triumvirate of the AKP.”

Since the convention, that phrase can only be said sarcastically.

Arinc explained his chagrin by saying, in an uncharacteristic veiled criticism directed at Erdogan, “We were a party of ‘us,’ but now we have turned into a party of ‘me.’”

Gul, more than a year after his presidency ended, appeared on a news channel Sept. 17 for a lengthy interview to voice his differences with Erdogan on a number of issues ranging from Turkey’s Syria policy to handling the Kurdish question to Turkey’s democracy deficit. It was the overcautious Gul's first public appearance since he vacated his post for Erdogan.

But why were Erdogan supporters purged, especially Davutoglu, who succeeded Erdogan as party chair? Davutoglu could not get any of his supporters put on the 50-member Central Decision and Executive Board, which is the AKP's decision-making body. He tried, but to no avail. Taha Akyol said in his conservative column in the daily Hurriyet in the aftermath of the congress that one of the leading figures of the party, a former minister, called him and explained that “not a single confidant of Davutoglu could find a way, despite the efforts of the chairman, to the executive board.”

Etyen Mahcupyan, an adviser to Davutoglu, disclosed in an interview with CNNTurk news that Erdogan interfered with the list prepared by Davutoglu, rejecting Davutoglu's candidates and imposing his own hand-picked choices. Mahcupyan alleged that, “For the sake of the party unity on the eve of fateful elections, Davutoglu was obliged to retreat.”

As a result, all of the AKP heavyweights — Arinc, Ali Babacan (the "economy czar," until recently), Mehmet Simsek (finance minister), Besir Atalay (a former minister and vice chairman, who is among the first generation of founders), Sadullah Ergin (the Reformist former minister of justice) — lost their seats on the executive board and were replaced by staunch Erdogan loyalists, including his son-in-law.

A source privy to inside information on the party and who wanted to remain anonymous said, “Erdogan’s tight grip will consolidate his influence over the party over the next two years, but he is alienating a large number of people in the party. This increases the chances of a split within the AKP ahead of the 2019 presidential election. Already-existing divisions within the AKP are likely to become more pronounced in the coming months.”

According to this source, although the board's overhaul demonstrated Erdogan’s control, it will have a negative impact on Turkey’s future after the Nov. 1 election, no matter the result.

An ambassador who is serving in Ankara representing a very influential country told me that a split in the AKP is highly possible. If the Nov. 1 election produces the same results as the one held June 7 — if no one wins enough votes to rule as a single-party government — it will be interpreted as Erdogan's failure, even defeat.

In Turkey's hazy future, only one thing seems certain: Turbulent times lie ahead.

quote:

Ministers pro-Koerdische partij weg uit Turkse regering

Beide ministers van de linkse, pro-Koerdische partij HDP zijn dinsdag uit de Turkse interim-regering gestapt.

De twee maakten nog maar een paar weken deel uit van de regering die de verkiezingen van 1 november moet voorbereiden.

In die tijdelijke regeringsploeg werkten de twee HDP-politici samen met de veel grotere AK-partij van president Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

De ministers melden hun besluit in een korte verklaring, schreef de krant Hürriyet. Ze hebben hun aftreden nog niet nader toegelicht.

Terreur
De interim-regering was opmerkelijk, aangezien de AK-partij de HDP afschildert als een club die Koerdische terreur goedpraat. Volgens de Turkse grondwet moeten echter alle partijen een kans krijgen om deel te nemen aan een regering die vervroegde verkiezingen voorbereidt.

De AK-partij verloor bij de laatste verkiezingen haar absolute meerderheid en was daardoor veroordeeld tot de samenwerking. Andere oppositiepartijen hadden geen interesse in deelname.

_{Door: ANP}

quote:

Turkey’s lack of diplomatic clout in Syria is becoming more glaring as the crisis moves toward a new trajectory, which includes the highly unsavory prospect for Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu of a role for Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in efforts to settle the crisis.

Despite Ankara’s dissatisfaction over suggestions that Syrian President Bashar al-Assad has to be part of a settlement, experts say there is little Turkey can do to alter the course of events.

Ankara’s failure to consider the historic “Russian factor” has proved to be the main rock that Erdogan and Davutoglu’s Syrian plans foundered on, as Moscow remains resolute in supporting Assad, and is increasing its military support for his regime.

Turkey can also do little now but look on as Washington grapples with the notion of including Assad in any Syrian settlement. Bloody-handed dictator he might be, but Assad — much to Ankara’s annoyance — is emerging as the lesser evil for the West, which is more concerned about the rise of the Islamic State (IS) in Syria and Iraq.

US Secretary of State John Kerry broached the subject in London last week, during a press conference with Philip Hammond, his British counterpart. "For the last year and a half we have said Assad has to go, but how long and what the modality is … that's a decision that has to be made in the context of the Geneva process and negotiation," Kerry said.

He added, "It doesn't have to be on day one or month one … there is a process by which all the parties have to come together and reach an understanding of how this can best be achieved."

Reports by Al-Monitor’s congressional correspondent Julian Pecquet also indicate a change in mood in the US Congress. Following a Sept. 16 Senate discussion on Syria, Pecquet indicated that a growing number of Democratic lawmakers are questioning whether toppling Assad should still remain a priority as IS continues to make steady gains.

Influential papers are also floating the same idea, a case in point being the opinion piece in the Financial Times on Sept. 21 by Gideon Rahman. “The overriding goal must be to end the war and to persuade outside forces to back a peace settlement, rather than fueling the conflict. A diplomatic solution clearly has to involve the regime and, almost certainly, President Bashar al-Assad,” Rahman wrote.

These views do not sit well with the Turkish government. Foreign Minister Feridun Sinirlioglu made this amply clear Sept. 20 during a press conference in Ankara with his Austrian counterpart Sebastian Kurz when asked to comment on Kerry’s remarks.

“Assad is the basic reason for this crisis. A ruthless dictator who has declared war on his own people cannot be part of any political settlement in any way,” Sinirlioglu said. His remarks show there is no change in Ankara’s basic position.

The problem for Turkey is that few are listening to what it has to say on Syria at this stage. A series of miscalculations by Ankara regarding Assad’s survivability, and suspicions that the Justice and Development Party is pursuing its own Islamist agenda in Syria have cost Turkey much credibility.

In a phone call with Kerry last week, Sinirlioglu reportedly repeated Turkey’s demand for the establishment of a safe zone in northern Syria for refugees and moderate elements of the Syrian opposition.

But Ankara’s demand has largely fallen on deaf ears. The idea for such a zone has merely gained lip service from Turkey’s Western allies, which remain opposed to any suggestion of sending ground forces to Syria to provide the protection that a safe zone would require.

Russia opposes such a zone, maintaining this would be a violation of Syria’s sovereignty. The Ankara-based Center for Economic and Foreign Policy Studies indicates in its latest report on Syria that the increasing Russian military involvement in this conflict has ensured that the prospects for this zone are next to nil.

“The Turkish position of establishing safe zones in Syria has been rendered virtually impossible, as going forward with such a plan and foregoing working together with Russia would risk engagements with Russian assets and defenses over Syrian skies and potential Russian casualties,” the report said.

Sinirlioglu met with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in the Russian Black Sea resort of Sochi last week for discussions that also covered Syria, but clearly made little headway in convincing his Russian colleague. Remarks by Lavrov to reporters after the talks showed again that Russia is unlikely to change its position on Syria.

“We see no reason not to cooperate with the regime in Damascus against terrorism. Besides, Syrian President Assad — as the commander in chief of his armies — remains the most effective force against terrorism,” Lavrov said. “Not cooperating with the Syrian regime amounts to chasing pipe dreams.”

Lavrov said countries concerned with Syria face two choices: “The first is to sit back and wait for the utopia of seeing the Assad administration toppled, which no one believes in anymore. The second is to engage in realistic and honest cooperation to save this historic region."

Erdogan was due to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on Sept. 23, but few expected him to convince Putin about the need to keep Assad out of any Syria settlement.

Another problem for Turkey is that it has still not fully convinced the United States and its other allies that it is committed to fighting IS, despite having opened up its bases to the US-led coalition for this purpose.

All of Turkey’s energy is currently concentrated on fighting the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) at home and in Iraq, and on trying to keep the Democratic Union Party (PYD), which has become the umbrella group for Syrian Kurds, from securing more gains along Turkey’s borders with Syria.

Ankara considers the PYD and its military wing, the People's Protection Units (YPG), as PKK extensions and has listed them as terrorist organizations. Washington has also listed the PKK as a terrorist group, but refuses to do the same for the PYD and YPG, which are its allies against IS.

Turkey’s call for a safe zone in northern Syria has also stirred the suspicion that this is merely a shrouded attempt to ensure the Syrian Kurds do not secure a contiguous area for themselves on the other side of the Turkish border.

Turkey’s attempts to drive a wedge between Washington and its PYD and YPG allies — and to get these groups listed as terrorist organizations — has failed thus far. This became apparent again Sept. 21 during State Department spokesman John Kirby’s daily press briefing in Washington.

“We don’t consider the YPG a terrorist organization, and they have proven successful against [IS] inside Syria. And as I said, we’re going to continue to work with counter-[IS] fighters who are and can be successful against this group,” Kirby said in response to a question on the topic.

Retired Ambassador Ali Tuygan, who is also a former undersecretary for the Foreign Ministry, and is acting currently as an analyst on foreign policy issues, is among those who believe Assad will most likely be part of any solution in Syria.

“His departure may be negotiable, but that will only happen after a settlement is reached,” Tuygan told Al-Monitor. “The formula for his departure may be an election or some other means by which he goes quietly, but he will be part of settlement talks. That much is clear,” he said.

Tuygan said that IS remains one of Russia’s prime concerns in Syria, given reports of thousands of Chechen fighters among its ranks, and thinks this could push Washington and Moscow closer in the search for a settlement to the Syrian crisis.

“Turkey’s position appears unchanged in light of the latest statements. But if the US and Russia decide to meet halfway over Syria and cooperate for a solution, Turkey will have no choice but to accept the outcome, whatever it is,” Tuygan said.

The bottom line is that Turkey is not only seriously out of tune with Moscow over Syria, but now risks the same with Washington. It is not, however, in a position to alter the course of events, which continue to move in the direction least desired by Ankara.

quote:

Op woensdag 23 september 2015 21:44 schreef UpsideDown het volgende:
Tijd voor wat mediastuff: voltreffer van een PKK VBIED op Turks checkpoint in Sirnak:

22 09 2015 13 eylül şrnak girişi eylem 1

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quote:

Op woensdag 23 september 2015 23:13 schreef Slayage het volgende:
serieuze vraag

wtf is gebeurd met deze gasten?

NSFW

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NSFW

quote:

Op woensdag 23 september 2015 23:34 schreef UpsideDown het volgende:

[..]

Ik denk dat ze ergens over gestruikeld zijn

quote:

The revival of Turkey’s 'lynching' culture
Turkey’s collective memory is heavily burdened with state-provoked, politically motivated mob violence attempts against minority groups, colloquially described as "lynching." In recent weeks, hundreds of violent incidents have heralded the resurgence of the mob violence culture as the country’s climate grows more toxic by the day, with political actors fanning hatred and normalizing violence.

In Turkey’s near history, mobs targeted mainly Armenians, Syriacs, Jews, Greeks, Alevis and Kurds. As Tanil Bora, author of the book “Turkey’s Lynching Regime,” puts it, “When it comes to Alevis and Kurds, this has always been a ‘free shot’ area. The 'lynching' of leftists has always been permissible. Police and ‘sensitive citizens’ act on the basis of this knowledge.”

The latest target of the mobs are the Kurds again. As of Sept. 16, a Google search with the key words “lynching attempt” in Turkish produced some 78,800 results for the period since July 24, when Ankara resumed military operations against the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), shattering the settlement process with the armed, outlawed group.

The pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) — vilified by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) since the run-up to the June 7 polls and always deemed an enemy by the Nationalist Action Party — has seen its offices vandalized, ransacked or torched. According to figures provided by the HDP media department, 128 party offices were attacked in the Sept. 6-11 period alone. Ordinary Kurds have not been spared either. Kurdish workers and bus passengers, Kurds speaking Kurdish in the street, and even tanned people mistaken for Kurds have been attacked and Kurdish-owned businesses vandalized.

Turkey’s past century has seen a series of pogroms and mob violence in which the state apparatus directly took part, acted as an instigator or conductor, or simply looked the other way. The 1915 Armenian genocide, the 1914-15 massacres that wiped Syriacs off this geographic area, the 1937-38 massacres of 13,000 Alevi Zazas in Dersim and the deportation of 12,000 others could be seen as planned actions of the state. But the 1934 pogroms in Thrace, which prompted the exodus of up to 15,000 Jews; the Sept. 6-7, 1955, Istanbul pogroms, which saw Greek, Jewish and Armenian properties ransacked; the 1978-80 massacres of Alevis in Maras, Sivas and Corum; and the 1993 torching of a hotel in Sivas in which 37 Alevi intellectuals perished are engraved in memory as the terrible deeds of frenzied mobs.

One can hardly argue that democratic values have now advanced and this is all left in the past. The phenomenon is recurring.

The first harbinger came with the 2013 Gezi Park protests as stick-wielding shopkeepers took to the streets, terrorizing the demonstrators who were challenging the government. Legitimizing the sticks, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan would later famously say, “When need be, shopkeepers are police, soldiers, combatants or guardians of the neighborhood.” He went further last month, calling neighborhood mukhtars (elected district headmen) to duty as informers: “I know my mukhtars [are aware] what kind of people live in which house. They [need to] go to their governors or police chiefs and report this to them.” This rhetoric has sanctioned another form of unlawfulness that opens the door to a new form of mob attacks at the hands of informers.

As military operations against the PKK resumed, the PKK stepped up its own attacks, and funerals of policemen and soldiers became a daily routine. Easily agitated “sensitive citizens” and long-established nationalist groups such as the Idealist Hearths went on the rampage against Kurds, joined by a hitherto little-known group, the AKP-linked Ottoman Hearths. Here are several examples of the mob violence that has simmered since late July:

On Sept. 8, nationalists in the Mediterranean town of Fethiye launched a manhunt for Ibrahim Cay, a Kurd who had shared a picture of himself clad in traditional Kurdish attire on Facebook. Cay received a call from the local paramilitary police commander, who told him to stay at home and that he was coming to pick him up. Soon, not the commander but two cars and four motorcycles arrived outside his home. Cay saw what was coming and ran away. A mob of about 70 people soon got hold of Cay, beat him up in the town square and forced him to kiss the Ataturk statue there. It was only then that the paramilitary police arrived to rescue the battered man. In the hospital, doctors refused to treat him, while a mob of some 300 frenzied people gathered outside, waiting to lynch him. The security forces, who did nothing to the assailants, took Cay to the police station for questioning. The paramilitary commander then attempted to send Cay out on his own, though the mob was now waiting outside the police station. Cay managed to safely leave the station and then the town thanks to relatives who came to pick him up. The five assailants he had named in his testimony walked free after questioning, while the prosecution launched a criminal investigation against Cay on charges of “praising crime and criminals” by posting a picture of himself in “peshmerga attire.”
On Sept. 14, a group of men taunted Kurdish construction workers in Mudurnu, northwestern Turkey, for “looking disrespectfully” at a Turkish flag and followed them to the site where they were building a school. Soon, rumors spread that Kurds had burned a Turkish flag, drawing hundreds of people to the construction site. The mob set the building ablaze as the eight workers holed themselves up on the roof. They were barely rescued after several hours. Again, not the assailants but the victims were questioned. It turned out four of them hailed from families serving as “village guards,” which are government-armed Kurdish militia that back the army against the PKK.
On July 29, rumors spread in Askale, eastern Turkey, that a Kurdish construction worker wore a ring "symbolizing the PKK.” This alone was enough for 2,000 people to flock to the construction site and attack the some 50 Kurds working there.
On Sept. 8, the makeshift homes of seasonal Kurdish workers in Beypazari, near Ankara, were burned down and their families battered.
On Sept. 9, a man with a dark complexion was beaten up in the Mediterranean city of Antalya as the assailants wrongly assumed he was a Kurd. He was let go only after producing an ID card that showed he was born in western Turkey.
The attempts at physical attacks go together with political attacks and character assassinations. The Dogan Media Group, to which the mass-circulation daily Hurriyet and the CNN Turk news channel belong, has become one of the main targets of character assassinations. In addition to two mob attacks on the offices of Hurriyet, which, by the way, has an anti-PKK line, prosecutors have launched a probe against the Dogan Media Group on charges of supporting terrorism.

A striking example of political attacks came from the AKP mayor of Antalya’s Gundogmus district, who, heeding Erdogan’s portrayal of the HDP as a terror-linked party, hung a billboard that proclaimed HDP voters enemies: “Kurds who pray in the mosque and then vote for the HDP can’t be my brothers. Brotherhood is a sublime rank. Dastards can’t make for brothers. Those who vote unwillingly for the HDP are cowards and those who do voluntarily are dastards.”

In sum, nationalist and religious fervors have resurrected the tradition of physical and political "lynching." While seemingly issuing calls for restraint, Erdogan has not hesitated to tickle the fascist mind, programmed to kill and destroy. Last week, for instance, he spoke of “fists raised up in rage looking for a place to come down.”

In what remains an unchanging trait of the state, the perpetrators of violence enjoy the favor of the security forces, who are more interested in grilling the victims than the assailants. Despite hundreds of mob violence attempts, the security forces have detained only a handful of people, only to release them after questioning. And almost always, they have found a reason to investigate the victims. To use Bora’s words, so-called "lynching" — used as a “governing technique and a means to mold public opinion” — is back in play in Turkey with a new format and new actors.

quote:

Op zondag 20 september 2015 17:47 schreef UpsideDown het volgende:

[..]

Alle Koerdische partijen zijn aanwezig op dat congres, dus ook KDP, PUK, HDP, Gorran, etc.

twitter:

RudawEnglish twitterde op zondag 20-09-2015 om 09:27:32 #PYD holds its sixth congress- http://t.co/LejM5hEELj reageer retweet

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quote:

Op donderdag 24 september 2015 16:50 schreef johnson555 het volgende:

[..]

Vraag wie de leider van de koerden is dan heb je de poppen aan t dansen

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Op zaterdag 26 september 2015 01:38 schreef polderturk het volgende:

Vandaag zijn er 37 PKK terroristen omgebracht in Sirnak. In de spoiler is een gruwelijke foto te zien van lijken van terroristen.

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Op zondag 27 september 2015 22:22 schreef Slayage het volgende:
het was prijsschieten in beytussebap

veel gore...

http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=ad2_1443370580

quote:

Op zondag 27 september 2015 22:32 schreef johnson555 het volgende:

[..]

Western Armenian terrorists

quote:

Op zondag 27 september 2015 22:36 schreef Slayage het volgende:

[..]

turken

zo zagen ze eruit voordat ze tegen een gunship aanliepen http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=268_1443363851

quote:

Op zaterdag 26 september 2015 01:38 schreef polderturk het volgende:
De PKK heeft in Sirnak, een gebied waar veel Koerden wonen, een ambulance aangevallen. Het personeel is waarschijnlijk ontvoerd. Blijkbaar willen de PKK terroristen niet dat de Koerden medische hulp krijgen.

[ afbeelding ]

Vandaag zijn er 37 PKK terroristen omgebracht in Sirnak. In de spoiler is een gruwelijke foto te zien van lijken van terroristen.

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twitter:

GudawEnglish twitterde op zondag 27-09-2015 om 20:44:50 War criminal Yavuz Sonat Güzel has been killed by #HPG in Dersim #TwitterKurds #PKK http://t.co/QWRh52yHjl reageer retweet

twitter:

GudawEnglish twitterde op zondag 27-09-2015 om 22:02:09 Today #Turkish terror security forces murdered 8 year-old Elif Simsek in Bismil, Amed #ElifŞimsek #TwitterKurds #PKK http://t.co/71MqoamPrU reageer retweet

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dilkocer twitterde op zondag 27-09-2015 om 21:11:09 Kurdish civilians who have been killed by police are labelled in Turkish media as 'PKK terrorists' or 'killed by PKK terrorists' #Turkey reageer retweet

quote:

Op zondag 27 september 2015 22:36 schreef Slayage het volgende:

[..]

turken

zo zagen ze eruit voordat ze tegen een gunship aanliepen http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=268_1443363851

quote:

Op zondag 27 september 2015 23:29 schreef UpsideDown het volgende:

[..]

Zo ken ik er ook nog wel een paar:

twitter:

GudawEnglish twitterde op zondag 27-09-2015 om 20:44:50 War criminal Yavuz Sonat Güzel has been killed by #HPG in Dersim #TwitterKurds #PKK http://t.co/QWRh52yHjl reageer retweet

twitter:

GudawEnglish twitterde op zondag 27-09-2015 om 22:02:09 Today #Turkish terror security forces murdered 8 year-old Elif Simsek in Bismil, Amed #ElifŞimsek #TwitterKurds #PKK http://t.co/71MqoamPrU reageer retweet

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twitter:

dilkocer twitterde op zondag 27-09-2015 om 21:11:09 Kurdish civilians who have been killed by police are labelled in Turkish media as 'PKK terrorists' or 'killed by PKK terrorists' #Turkey reageer retweet

quote:

Op maandag 28 september 2015 16:07 schreef johnson555 het volgende:

[..]

wtf dat jongetje rechtsboven lijkt 15 ofso
en wrm vermomd wtf wie gaat m herkennen zo

[..]

Ah de Koerdische propoganda machine

quote:

Op maandag 28 september 2015 16:07 schreef johnson555 het volgende:

[..]

wtf dat jongetje rechtsboven lijkt 15 ofso
en wrm vermomd wtf wie gaat m herkennen zo

[..]

Ah de Koerdische propoganda machine

quote:

Op dinsdag 29 september 2015 08:57 schreef polderturk het volgende:
De PKK doodt 9 jarig meisje Elif Simsek

quote:

Op dinsdag 29 september 2015 11:41 schreef Triggershot het volgende:

[..]

Alleen dan dat de politie geen raketten afvuurt, zeker niet op zichzelf natuurlijk.

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Op dinsdag 29 september 2015 12:26 schreef Triggershot het volgende:

[..]

Iets wat misleidend om dat te combineren met de daadwerkelijke crimescene foto's en wanneer je het tegenspreekt dat het om een raket gaat, maar oke.

quote:

Op dinsdag 29 september 2015 12:47 schreef Triggershot het volgende:

[..]

Op deze videobeelden worden daar naar zeggen de militanten gedood die het raket hebben afgevuurd

9 yaşındaki Elif Şimşek'i katleden teröristlerin vurulma anı (UZUN VİDEO)

Als alleen de staatsmedia het op de PKK probeerde te schuiven zou ik je gelijk geven, maar als zelfs journalisten van Samanyolu en Hurriyet melden dat de politie is beschoten met raketwerpers op dat gebied lijkt het mij vrij duidelijk.

Tanks en gevechtsvliegtuigen voeren bombardementen uit in opdracht van het leger, de politie vuurt geen raketten af, zeker niet op gebieden waar het zelf actief bezig is.

quote:

Op dinsdag 29 september 2015 12:47 schreef Triggershot het volgende:

[..]

Op deze videobeelden worden daar naar zeggen de militanten gedood die het raket hebben afgevuurd

9 yaşındaki Elif Şimşek'i katleden teröristlerin vurulma anı (UZUN VİDEO)

Als alleen de staatsmedia het op de PKK probeerde te schuiven zou ik je gelijk geven, maar als zelfs journalisten van Samanyolu en Hurriyet melden dat de politie is beschoten met raketwerpers op dat gebied lijkt het mij vrij duidelijk.

Tanks en gevechtsvliegtuigen voeren bombardementen uit in opdracht van het leger, de politie vuurt geen raketten af, zeker niet op gebieden waar het zelf actief bezig is.

quote:

Op dinsdag 29 september 2015 15:11 schreef UpsideDown het volgende:

[..]

Wie zegt mij dat het geen shell van het leger was, of een RPG van een PKK'er? Waar is het harde bewijs met actiebeelden en aftermath. Ik word hier niks wijzer van, beide partijen geven elkaar overal de schuld van en zijn imo even schuldig.