Revolutie in Tunesië - waar de president gevlucht en men bezorgd is

Altijd op hun bruine ogen geloven, die politieke islamisten.

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Op zondag 30 januari 2011 13:34 schreef Morendo het volgende:
Altijd op hun bruine ogen geloven, die politieke islamisten.

Nee, maar je moet ze ook niet allemaal wegzetten als notoire leugenaars.

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Op zondag 30 januari 2011 13:32 schreef remlof het volgende:
Supporters of his Ennahda movement, which had been banned for two decades, crowded into the arrivals area of the airport and held up banners reading: "No to extremism, yes to moderate Islam!" and "No fear of Islam!"

Ze zeggen ook dat die Ennahda meer lijkt op de AKP dan op de Muslim Brotherhood.

Lijken ze ook en Rachid al-Ghannouchi de leider heeft ook uitgesproken al eerder de AKP in Turkije als voorbeeld te zien. Er zijn genoeg beelden op youtube waarin hij in (recente en oudere) discussieprogramma's en interviews participeert alleen in het Arabisch helaas. Zou je dat wel verstaan zie je dat hij duidelijk aangeeft democratie volledig te omarmen en onderschrijven zonder enige voorwaarde, hij vindt dat de stem van het Tunesische volk tijdens verkiezingen altijd voor gaat en ook de behaalde vrouwenrechten onderschrijft en niet aan wil gaan knabbelen.
Hij staat dan ook voor pluralistische Islam (zijn woorden) die samengaat met democratie. Dit zegt hij overigens al veel langer - jaren -. Te vaak wordt hij op een hoop gegooid met alle Islamisten terwijl als je wat betere geinformeerde artikels leest je als snel tegenkomt dat hij een "progressieve Islamist" is, als er toch al een etiket op hem geplakt moet worden.
Hij zal wel flink wat stemmen kunnen halen na jarenlange onderdrukking van Islam en Moslims in Tunesie door Ben Ali's bandieten en de kleine elite om hem heen. Als je het eerste vroege ochtendgebed in de Moskee als redelijk jongeman te vaak bijwoonde (of dagelijks) dan was het echt een kwestie van tijd - algemeen bekend - dat de geheime dienst van Ben Ali al op de stoep kwam waarom je zo vaak dat gebed in de Moskee verrichtte, welke TV zenders je bekijkt etc etc.

Als het maar geen Iran versie 2.0 wordt..

Dat begon ook met de beste intenties en kijk waar het is geëindigd.

Kijk weet je wat het in Turkije is, de seculieren zijn gewoon sterk. Het is de oude elite. De seculiere oppositie zit altijd maar 10% onder het stemaantal van de AKP.

Er moet gewoon een krachtige tegenbeweging zijn zodat ze elkaar in evenwicht kunnen houden. De seculieren in Turkije, toen ze de alleenheersers waren, waren ook een stel intolerante eikels tegenover mensen die anders ware of dachten (kijk maar hoe ze omgingen met Koerden bijvoorbeeld of met de communisten), nu lijkt er een goed evenwicht te zijn ontstaan.

Het is allemaal erg moeilijk en als je de geschiedenis bekijkt, gaat het na een revolutie meestal veel slechter, waarna het uiteindelijk weer de goede kant op gaat.

Sowieso zijn Islamisten niet overal hetzelfde en hebben ze ook niet overal dezelfde ideologie. Ik vergelijk ze graag met partijen als de PVV in Nederland. Opkomend voor Henk en Ingrid, inspelen op sentimenten.

In Marokko is er toch ook een gematigde islamitische partij aan de macht? Kan ook als voorbeeld dienen.

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Op zondag 30 januari 2011 14:09 schreef IHVK het volgende:
In Marokko is er toch ook een gematigde islamitische partij aan de macht? Kan ook als voorbeeld dienen.

Nee, die zit in de oppositie. De PJD is dat, de tweelingpartij van de Turkse AKP (alleen iets conservatiever. Het is wel de tweede partij van Marokko (qua zetelaantal).

Mwah ik denk dat iemand die de bronnen heeft om zich in Ghannouchi te verdiepen al snel constateert dat hij al langer vrij consequent is in wat zijn partij wel en niet is.
Dit komt omdat hij altijd dezelfde vragen krijgt, ook op Arabische TV of BBC Arabic laatst weer.

Maar je kan het goed met de seculieren vergelijken in Turkije. Tunesie heeft een - naar mijn mening niet passend bij het land, cultuur en erfgoed - strikt seculiere (met hier en daar wat hypocriete uitingen die a-seculier zijn) staat naar Frans model. Ben Ali heeft Moslims die in zijn ogen duidelijk niet van de "Tunesische Islam waren" keihard vervolgd en geïntimideerd. Er zijn verschrikkelijk veel voorbeelden hiervan tot op het achterlijke toe als vrouwen (nichten van mij) die werden gestopt door politie in het openbaar en gevraagd of ze hun hoofddoek iets naar achter wilden doen zodat het haar zichtbaar was. Als je weigerde werd je ID gevraagd en je naam genoteerd. De gedachte erachter was dat als je als vrouw weigerde je haar (ook een zeer klein deel) te laten zien je "de Soedische fundamentalistische Islam" praktizeerde. Liet je het wel zien dan was het de semi-culturele hoofddoek en "Tunesische Islam".

Nu na Ben Ali zal je genoeg Tunesiers hebben die na die jarenlange onderdrukking en ook hun geloof hun eerste stem uitbrengen op de partij van Ghannouchi. Als tegenbeweging en omdat die partij natuurlijk nog niets heeft gedaan dus ook nergens op afgerekend kan worden, zoals ook wat andere partijen. Ook heb je genoeg die links en erg seculier stemmen, ik vermoed dat Moncef Marzouki daar veel stemmen gaat weghalen. Iemand die ook week eerder is teruggekeerd na 20 jaar asiel in Frankrijk. Toch denk ik dat deze twee er samen wel uit kunnen komen omdat ze beiden na jarenlange onderdrukking en geen enkele vrijheid democratische principes voorop zetten zoals eerlijke verkiezingen, vrijheid van demonstratie, vrije media etc. Op sommige gebieden zullen ze clashen zoals het ooit erdoorheen gedrukte - door kleine elite - hoofddoek verbod op universiteiten en alle scholen, naar Frans model. Ghannouchi zal dat wellicht niet direct maar uiteindelijk willen opheffen en ik vermoed - maar weet niet zeker - dat Marzouki dat niet wil, zeker niet in eerste instantie.

Ik denk dat het niet slecht gaat aflopen in Tunesie door nieuwe partijen zoals de Islamitische of de partij van Marzouki. Als er een gevaar heerst is dat dat er nog wat oude mensen zijn in invloedrijke posities nu die wellicht nu met de revolutie wind meedraaien maar uiteindelijk weer langzaam censuur etc. willen invoeren. Daar zijn erg veel Tunesiers heel erg alert op en vandaar de demonstraties die massaal bleven doorgaan tegen alle RCD (Ben Ali's partij) leden in de interim-regering totdat ze uiteindelijk allemaal wel moesten opstappen door te grote spanningen en druk.
Op de premier Mohammed Ghannouchi (niet related aan de Ghannouchi van Islamitische partij) na helaas maar die gaf al eerder aan direct na de verkiezingen en nieuwe regering op te stappen en zich totaal uit de politiek terug te trekken.

Precies als de Turkse seculieren

En Turkse 'culturele' hoofddoek mocht wel, dus je haar moet zichtbaar zijn en hoofddoek naar achteren inderdaad.

En het andere model werd 'Türban' genoemd wat een verderfelijke Arabische politiek islamitische uiting was en dat kon echt niet. Niet als je een baan bij de overheid (bijvoorbeeld politie) wilde dan. En ze wilden zelfs al je familiefoto's zien, om te kijken of je er toevallig in je vrije tijd toch niet eentje gedragen had.

Echt grappig, dat die 'Turkse' hoofddoek dus in Tunesië een Tunesische hoofddoek heet.

[ Bericht 0% gewijzigd door IHVK op 30-01-2011 14:49:21 ]

Een tante van mij wilde (jaar of 10 geleden) bij de Turkse politie, en toen kwam ze naar haar familiealbum kijken

Gelukkig is dat verleden tijd.

Overigens slim van die premier Ghannouchi dat hij stopt met de politiek.

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Ik denk dat het niet slecht gaat aflopen in Tunesie door nieuwe partijen zoals de Islamitische of de partij van Marzouki. Als er een gevaar heerst is dat dat er nog wat oude mensen zijn in invloedrijke posities nu die wellicht nu met de revolutie wind meedraaien maar uiteindelijk weer langzaam censuur etc. willen invoeren. Daar zijn erg veel Tunesiers heel erg alert op en vandaar de demonstraties die massaal bleven doorgaan tegen alle RCD (Ben Ali's partij) leden in de interim-regering totdat ze uiteindelijk allemaal wel moesten opstappen door te grote spanningen en druk.

denk ik ook. overigens relatief (in de arabische wereld) vrij veel hoogopgeleiden in tunesie die de ontwikkelingen nauwgezet volgen en druk blijven zetten.

typo

[ Bericht 0% gewijzigd door willem-jozef op 30-01-2011 23:26:43 ]

Ja er is zeker een groep van hogeropgeleiden vanuit verschillende functies die hun eigen vakbonden hebben en zich heel duidelijk met de politiek bezighouden en dan vooral het toezien - vanuit zorgen en een bewustheid - dat vrijheden worden nageleefd. Denk aan economen, bankiers, advocaten, journalisten en die ook al vanaf het begin van de protesten de straat op gingen of protestacties hielden in overheidsgebouwen voor vrijheden.
De grootste vakbond UGTT is niet voor niets zo sterk dat ze de interim-regering met nog veel RCD-ers erin dwongen tot aftreden. Zij hebben namelijk veel connecties onder alle delen van de samenleving en vandaar de groots opgezette demonstraties in verschillende steden die door bleven gaan na de val van Ben Ali. In Sfax (tweede stad van het land en grote havenstad/industrie) waren er zo'n 6 dagen geleden naar schatting 20.000 mensen die demonstreerden tegen de hele RCD die er nog zat.

Overigens is de leider van de Islamitische partij vandaag teruggekeerd naar Tunesie na langer dan 20 jaar en gaf ook aan niet voor president te willen gaan persoonlijk in de verkiezingen. Net zoals Moncef Marzouki - seculier linkse partij (sterk socialistische inslag) die eerder teruggekeerde - 10 dagen geleden denk ik nu - werd ook Ghannouchi ontvangen door veel mensen die hem op handen namen en toezongen. :

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zondag 30 jan 2011, 15:15

In Tunesië is de verbannen leider Rachid Ghannouchi van oppositiebeweging Ennahda na ruim twintig jaar ballingschap teruggekeerd uit Londen. Ghannouchi, die geen familie is van de omstreden premier Mohamed Ghannouchi, werd door honderden aanhangers opgewacht op het internationale vliegveld van Tunis.

De 69-jarige Ghannouchi benadrukte dat hij geen kandidaat is om de gevluchte ex-president Ben Ali op te volgen. Ook wil hij niet meedoen aan de verkiezingen.

De islamitische partij Ennahda wordt gezien als gematigd en democratisch, maar de beweging speelde geen grote rol in de protesten die leidden tot de val van Ben Ali.

Ghannouchi was zijn land in 1989 ontvlucht, omdat religieuze partijen verboden zijn in Tunesië.

Minder protestacties
Grootschalige protestacties zijn er in Tunesië niet meer. In de interimregering zitten nu geen leden meer van de partij van de gevluchte president Ben Ali.

Bron: www.nos.nl

Ook vandaag weer een filmpje van Hiwaar TV gezien (discussie TV vrij vertaald) waarin de presentator hem allerlei vragen stelt over zorgen die hij hoort op Internet en facebook dat "we straks allemaal hoofddoekjes zien" als de an-Nahda partij wordt gekozen.
Rachid al-Ghannouchi antwoord erop dat het onzin is en dat zijn partij niemand dat soort zaken verplicht omdat de mens in vrijheid is geschapen en verantwoordelijk voor eigen daden is. Ook gaan de vergelijkingen met Algerije en de burgeroorlog die ontstond niet op volgens hem - was een vraag van presentator over zorgen die hij hoort dat het Algerije kan opgaat - omdat voor an-Nahda de wil van het volk altijd voorop staat en wordt gerespecteerd.

Even in chronologische volgorde hoor, gisteren dit bericht:

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Canada jaagt op zwager van Ben Ali

Het hotel waar Belhassen Trabelsi zou verblijven

De Canadese overheid zal er alles aan doen om Belhassen Trabelsi, de zwager van de verdreven Tunesische dictator Ben Ali, uit te leveren aan Tunesië.

Zakenman en miljardair Trabelsi zou maandag met een privéjet in Canada zijn aangekomen. De Canadese minister van Buitenlandse Zaken zegt dat criminelen in zijn land niet welkom zijn en dat de opsporingsdiensten hun uiterste best doen om hem te vinden.

Leila Ben Ali, de vrouw van de vroegere dictator en haar familie, leefden als filmsterren in Tunesië en zijn daarom zeer gehaat. De autoriteiten in Canada hebben beslag gelegd op alle Canadese bezittingen van Trabelsi.

Bron: www.nos.nl

Ok.... duidelijk toch? En dan vandaag de tegenzet van deze Trabelsi crimineel haha:

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Zwager Ben Ali vraagt asiel in Canada

zondag 30 jan 2011, 05:50

Belhassan Trabelsi

De zwager van de Tunesische dictator Ben Ali, Belhassen Trabelsi, heeft in Canada asiel aangevraagd. Dat heeft de Canadese regering bekendgemaakt.

Trabelsi kwam afgelopen week met een privévliegtuig in Montreal aan, samen met zijn vrouw, vier kinderen en een oppas. Waar hij momenteel verblijft is niet bekend.

Trabelsi wordt er net als Ben Ali en diens vrouw van verdacht de schatkist van Tunesië te hebben geplunderd. Hij is de broer van Ben Ali's vrouw Leila.

Wet
Gisteren zei de Canadese minister van Buitenlandse Zaken Cannon dat hij gehoor wil geven aan een uitleveringsverzoek van Tunesië. Maar nu zegt hij dat Trabelsi volgens de Canadese wet het recht heeft om asiel te vragen. Zo'n procedure kan jaren duren.

"We hebben aangegeven dat deze mensen hier niet welkom zijn, maar we moeten ons in Canada aan de wet
houden", aldus Cannon.

Bron: www.nos.nl

Tactisch

Samenstelling van nieuwe overgangs-regering in Tunesie en C.V. van de ministers (in het Frans):

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Ministers:
Prime Minister: Mohamed Ghannouchi
Minister of Justice: Lazhar Karoui Chebbi
Defense Minister: Abdelkarim Zbidi
Foreign Minister Ahmed Ouneis
Interior Minister: Farhat Rajhi
Minister of Religious Affairs: Laroussi Mizouri
Minister of Regional and Local Development: Ahmed Najib Chebbi
Minister of Higher Education: Ahmed Brahim
Minister of Health: Habiba Zehi
Minister of Commerce and Tourism: Mehdi Houas
Minister of Education: Tayeb Baccouch
Minister of Social Affairs: Mohamed Nacer
Minister of Agriculture and Environment: Mokhtar Jallali
Minister of Planning and International Cooperation Mohamed Nouri Jouini
Minister of Industry and Technology: Mohammad Afif Chalbi
Minister of Finance: Jaloul Ayed
Minister of Culture: Ezzeddine Bech Cheouech
Minister of Women: Lilia Abidi
Transport Minister: Ibrahim Yassin
Minister of Employment and Vocational Training: Ayad Said
Minister of Youth and Sports: Muhammad Aloulou
Secretary of State for economic and social reforms: Ilyes Jouini
Secretary of State: Abdelhakim Bouraoui
Source: http://www.tunisie-etudes.info/
The Secretaries of State:
State Secretary to the Prime Minister: Abdejlil Bedoui
State Secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs: Radhouane Nouisser
State Secretary to the Minister of Local and Regional Development: Nejib Karafi
State Secretary to the Minister of Higher Education: Faouzia Charfi
State Secretary to the Minister of Higher Education in charge of scientific research: Refaat Chaabouni
State Secretary to the Minister of Health: Lamine Mouelhi
State Secretary to the Minister of Planning and International Cooperation: Abdelhakim Triki
State Secretary to the Minister of Industry and Tourism for Energy: Abdelaziz Rassaa
State Secretary to the Minister of Industry and Tourism with responsibility for ICT: Sami Zaoui
State Secretary to the Minister of Finance with responsibility for areas of the state: Ahmed Adhoum
State Secretary to the Minister of Trade and Tourism Office for Tourism: Slim Sheker
State Secretary to the Minister of Agriculture: Hamdi Salem
Secretary of State for Youth: Slim Amamou
Central bank governor :
Mostafa Kamel NEBL
The presidents of independent commissions
President of the Higher Commission for Political Reform : Mr. Ben Achour Yadh
Chairman of the Committee of Inquiry: Taoufik Bouderbala (Former President of the League of Human Rights)
Chairman of the commission of inquiry into the facts of corruption : Me Abdelfattah Omar (International Expert on Human Rights)

Gisteren:

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“New Government has much work to do” said SNJT chairman

Chairman of the National Union of Tunisian Journalist (SNJT) Néji Baghouri asserted that the new Government line-up is the fruit of the pressure exerted by civil society, mainly the pressure of the street and protestors who have staged a sit-in in front of the Government Palace and headquarters of the various governorates.
He pointed out that one of the characteristic features of the new governmental team is the noteworthy reduction in the number of old regime members and granting sovereign ministries’ portfolios to independent personalities.
Mr. Baghouri said that the current juncture commanded to form a new interim government which is going to have much work to do, notably such as setting up mechanisms inherent to the democratic process, through creation of effective democratic institutions, adoption of democratic laws, establishment of an effective separation between powers and consecration of neutrality of administration and freedom of the press.
He said that elections would undoubtedly consecrate the principle of democracy and would express people’s right to freedom and sovereignty.

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Op dinsdag 1 februari 2011 01:53 schreef Aloulou het volgende:
Samenstelling van nieuwe overgangs-regering in Tunesie en C.V. van de ministers (in het Frans):

[..]

Ministre de la Défense : Abdelkarim Zbidi
Abdelkrim Zbidi est un médecin, chef de département de physiologie et professeur de physiologie à la faculté de médecine de Sousse
Ancien ministre de la santé publique
Ancien doyen de la faculté de médecine de Sousse

Goede zaak, iemand die zelf niet uit het leger komt.

UNHRC expresses confidence in Tunisia’s ability to carry out democratic process

During a meeting held on Monday in Tunis, with a delegation of the High United Nations Human Rights Commissariat (UNHRC), led by Mr. Bacre Ndiaye, Director of the Division of the Human Rights Council and Special Procedures to UNHRC, Foreign Minister Mr. Mohamed Ounaies stressed that Tunisia is going through a historic stage, in Freedoms and Human Rights sector. He also hailed the interim government’s determination to break off with the laws and practices contrary to Human Rights.
The Minister explained that independence of the three commissions created for the Political Reform, Fact-Finding Commission on Cases of Embezzlement and Corruption and Fact-Finding Commission on Abuses, shows Government’s keenness to guarantee credibility and efficiency of these commissions’ work.
He said that the Government will examine, shortly, the international conventions and treaties in the Human Rights field to which Tunisia could adhere. In this connection, he said that Tunisia is ready to promote the co-operation mechanisms with UNHRC.
For his part, Mr. Ndiaye put emphasis on the UNHRC’s confidence in Tunisia’s capacity to overcome the challenges and follow the democratic process, as well as the Organisation’s support to this process and to Tunisia, by presenting it the positive world experiences in this field.
Mr. Ndiaye went on saying that “the meeting provided the opportunity for a fruitful exchange with the Foreign Minister and to get to know the Tunisian government’s reactions”, reported Tunis Afrique Presse (TAP) news agency.
“The meeting took place in an excellent atmosphere. It was extremely frank and constructive, and helped review the different aspects of the deep, free and fruitful co-operation between UNHRC and Tunisia’s government,” he said.
Mr. Bacre Ndiaye also added: “We highly appreciate the co-operation lent to us since we arrived in Tunisia; and this exchange with the Government was a thorough one, in addition to that started with civil society, the Human Rights Organisations, families of people affected by the recent events and with the inmates we met in prisons.”

Nee, verwacht het zeer snel. Hoewel iedereen erop rekent dat het verschoven wordt naar binnen 6 maanden terwijl de wet nu nog in werking is tussen 45 en maximaal 60 dagen.

Overigens zijn de politieke discussies onder het volk op TV en op straat al losgebarsten. Erg veel discussies en ook filmpjes van, nu nog vooral over de Islamitische partij an-Nahda en mensen die zich er zorgen om maken, tegen uit spreken en anderen die vinden dat het net zo'n bestaansrecht heeft als elk ander partij en dat angst onterecht wordt aangewakkerd.
Ook veel filmpjes van verhitte discussies op straat. Goede zaak naar mijn mening, laat maar lekker in het openbaar en iedereen graag zijn mening willen uiten. Erg nieuw allemaal overigens na maar twee presidenten te hebben gekend sinds de onafhankelijkheid en dus alleen maar in een dictatuur te hebben geleefd.

Kidnappingen van (middelbareschool) scholieren

Vandaag in meerdere steden scholieren op school gekidnapt door groepen gewapende mannen. Net op radio ook huilende moeder. Zeer vermoedelijk ex-politie van Ben Ali waarvan er nog steeds genoeg vrij zijn en rondlopen in burger vooral en zich gedeist houden, ondanks de wapens die ze hebben. Leger heeft in Sousse paar aangehouden maar daarna toch kind ontvoert.
Ook in Ariana (Tunis).

Zeer interessant interview met de leider van de Islamitische partij in Tunesie, an-Nadha (renaissance) Rachid al-Ghannouchi die na jarenlang asiel in Engeland afgelopen week terug is gekeerd in Tunesie. Bij zijn terugkeer werd hij - zoals eerder ook andere politici die in Europa verbleven en terugkeerden - ontvangen door honderden aanhangers die hem verwelkomden op het vliegveld in Carthago, Tunis. Daarnaast waren er ook wat tegenstanders te vinden die als teken van protest verzamelden en zich uitspraken tegen de "komst van deze Khomeiny" en demonstreerden. Ghannouchi stelt zichzelf niet beschikbaar voor welke functie dan ook en zal als filosoof en partijideoloog zich verder inzetten. De partij zelf doet - dacht ik - niet mee met de eerstvolgende presidentsverkiezingen maar wel met de parlementaire. Begin jaren '90 werd gerekend dat ze op minimaal zo'n 30% van de stemmen konden rekenen en vandaar dat Ben Ali ze keihard vervolgd heeft aangezien het een gevaar voor zijn macht was.

Het interview is door Financial Times afgenomen eental dagen voordat de revolutie het hoogtepunt bereikte en op de vrijdagnamiddag Ben Ali de benen nam naar uiteindelijk Saoedie Arabie. Het interview raakt onderwerpen aan die zeer actueel ook zijn voor Egypte en eventuele democratie - in de toekomst - in andere Arabische landen en hoe zich dat verhoudt tot Islam. Het interview gaat over Tunesie, Ben Ali en zijn zeer repressieve regime, discrepantie tussen roep om democratie vanuit Westen naar Arabische wereld en tegelijkertijd dictators uit angst voor macht van Islamisten hand boven het hoofd houden, democratie en een Islamitische partij en in hoeverre dat (wel of niet) samengaat, shari'a, Khomeiny, Moslimbroederschap in Egypte, vrouwenrechten, verkiezingen, gelijke rechten voor allen, oppositie voeren, en de AKP in Turkije als voorbeeld:

======================================================================

The Financial Times interviewed Rachid Ghannouchi, exiled leader of Tunisia’s Nahda party, in London. The interview was conducted on Sunday evening, just before a new unity government was announced in Tunis.

Published: January 18 2011 11:47
FT: A government is about to be formed in Tunisia following the fall of Zein al-Abidine Ben Ali. It includes parties that are there, on the ground, and you are not there. How is Nahda going to find a way to be involved on the ground?

Ghannouchi: The government that is to be announced tomorrow is a continuation of the 7 November era. This is not a rupture with that era. The revolution wanted a rupture with that era. The revolution was against a dictator and the era of 7 November. But the faces we see are the same faces of the old regime with some new faces from the official opposition.

FT: How would you describe this current stage? Is it just the beginning of the end of the Ben Ali era or do you feel that perhaps the revolution is not yet completed?
Ghannouchi: There are many contradictory wills within this government. Perhaps some of those participating in this process such as Najib Chebbi (opposition leader) believe that this is the path for moving from the dictatorship to a democracy. Some of the others, the ruling party and the domestic opposition see democracy as just a facade for the dictatorial system and indeed an attempt to contain the revolution.

FT: This is all new for Tunisians, the end of the Ben Ali era. How can you make a very strong break today from the system, when there is nothing to replace it? Don’t you need this type of transition period?

Ghannouchi: Basing the transition on the (current) constitution to build a democratic system is a futile attempt to build democracy from dictatorship because only God can bring out life from death. We cannot bring out a democratic system out of this corrupt, dictatorial system. We have to put an end to the authoritarian system and start a new one. Basing this transition on Article 56 or 57 is a continuation of the old system. The constitution was a tyranny, the state was reduced to one man, who had in his hands the executive, judicial and legislative powers and was not accountable to anyone. How can such a constitution point towards building a democratic system, even as a starting point.

The first step of building a democratic system is to build a democratic constitution. For this we need a founding council for rebuilding the state, one in which political parties, the trade unions and the civil society join. This council will rebuild the democratic constitution and will be the basis for building the democratic system.

FT: But who will decide who takes part? Ben Ali controlled so much as you know but now that he’s gone, political parties that are there are very weak, trade unions are weak, who will bring people together?

Ghannouchi: Who made this revolution? It is the people who made this revolution.This revolution was not made by an angry, out-of-control mob. There are 250, 000 university graduates who are in fact the basis for this revolution. It is not angry, uneducated people. They were the base of this revolution with their creative ways of using the internet and other media. As to the trade unions, it’s true that their leadership has been subservient (to the regime) but the regional union headquarters were the centre of the protests and they led the revolution.

The lawyers also led the main protest marches and these are important bodies which were later joined by the opposition towards the end. There are still important civil society institutions, lawyers, trade unions, political parties, the representative bodies of unemployed graduates and it is them who (could potentially) support the constitutional council. What we see is that they are not present in this (current) transition.

FT: Are you in contact with the other leaders in the opposition? Have you been consulting with them?

Ghannouchi: We as a member of the October 18 movement which we founded in 2005 and it brings together parties and civil society institutions, including Nejib Chebbi from the Progressive Democratic Party, the Tunisian Communist Workers Party, and the Conference for the Republic and other human rights organisations. This was founded in 2005 for one simple demand: to call for freedom of expression and association for everyone and for recognising the rights of all parties.

Later when we developed this coalition, to elaborate this joint intellectual basis we produced several papers which all members of this movement agree on and embrace. The first was a paper on philosophical pluralism. There is no limit to pluralism except not embracing violence, and giving the rights to anyone to found the party.

The second was the rights of women because the government used to always say to frighten people away that (the Islamists) will take away the rights of women. Then we had to reassure others in this coalition who were being accused of working with the Islamists. And we all recognise, we accept the personal status code and will not cancel it or refuse it. Indeed we had expressed this since 1988 on 17 July where I made a statement in which I recognised the personal status code.

Another paper was on the freedom of conscience, to address the allegations that Islamists will be using the punishment for apostasy and will kill people for what they believe. The paper recognised that Tunisians have the freedom to believe in anything, to leave or embrace any faith, as faith is a personal matter. On the basis of these papers the coalition moved from no longer being a short-term political coalition, but a social project for society.

For the Tunisia that we are working for, one in which women enjoy equality, people can establish and join any party and they have the freedom to believe any faith.

FT: Have you been talking to some of the leaders over the past two days? Is there any coordination?

Ghannouchi: Yes we are in communication with members of this coalition…. However with the recent developments in the county, differences have appeared between members of the coalition, in their evaluation of the situation. In that Nejib Chebbi two days before the fall of Ben Ali met with the former prime minister, who is indeed has been currently re-installed as the interim prime minister. This was Ben Ali’s last trick to try to remain in power, to call for forming a national unity government. So indeed what we see now, this national unity government, was planned by Ben Ali. Chebbi agreed to meet the Prime Minister, (others) rejected this.

FT: What is the representation of Nahda today in Tunisia? It was a long time ago that you were there...do you think people are still attached to Nahda?

Ghannouchi: Only elections can reveal that. In the West the popularity of a party is judged through elections – they may have 10, 20 or 30 per cent of the vote. Anyone can claim 99 per cent popularity. When the ban on parties is lifted (in Tunisia) only then can we can judge the success and failure of parties or the extent of their popularity.

I could tell you that we are very popular, but how would you believe that? There are new generations now who have not had the opportunity to be familiar with Nahda and nor does Nahda know them. We have not had the opportunity to address or influence them.

We expect that many still remember us. The crackdown on Nahda was very severe, and there is not a family in Tunisia who hasn’t had one of its members because of association with Nahda, imprisoned, lost their jobs or been exiled (for political reasons).

One of our members was recently killed in the latest protest. He was (first) abducted, then killed.
Thirty thousand of our members and sympathisers were imprisoned in the beginning of the 90s. There was a crusade against us. Over a hundred died under torture or suffered torture in prison. While this was happening Ben Ali was receiving great support from Europe, and Tunisia was the first country of the southern Mediterranean to become a trade partner (referring to the Association Agreement) with the EU.

While torture was taking place, documented by Amnesty International and other human rights organisations, and repression was at its highest point, Europe was praising Ben Ali’s great achievement and supposed economic miracle. And European universities were awarding Ben Ali human rights awards, whilst he was slaughtering Tunisians, they were granting him honorary doctorates.

When I left Tunisia, I was prevented from entering many European counties. I had visas for France, Germany, Italy and Spain. All were cancelled when Ben Ali’s crackdown started on Nahda – except for Great Britain. And I appreciate that this country gave me refuge when all other European countries prevented me from entering their soil, not to mention all Arab countries who deported members of Nahda or handed them over to the Tunisian government.

FT: You alluded earlier to the fact that even within the October 18 movement, with fellow Tunisians from other parties, that, as an Islamist you had to make your position clear on a number of issues preemptively in order to be accepted as a legitimate member of the movement. Do you worry that an Islamist component within the unity government might harm Tunisian’s external relations, particularly with the EU?

Ghannouchi: Well I don’t accuse the EU of not putting pressure on Ben Ali for repressing Nahda. Ben Ali was very keen to repress us not because we were religious or an Islamist party but because we represented a powerful opposition to his system.

Habib Bourguiba (the country’s first post-independence President, later deposed in 1987 by Ben Ali in a coup d’état) and Ben Ali’s regime, under them, Nahda members were not the first to occupy their prisons. In the 50s prisons were filled with Youssefites (political activists loyal to Salah Ben Youssef, a senior official who broke away from Bourguiba’s ruling Constitutional Party); in the 60s it was the Leftists; in the 70s it was the trade unions; and in the 80s it was our turn to replace them under this regime, which represses anyone who represents a credible opposition.

We do not hold the EU responsible for Ben Ali’s repression; Ben Ali repressed anyone who opposed him. But Europe did not oppose or criticise this repression. The EU accepted Ben Ali as a partner and while the EU-Tunisia trade agreement has an economic aspect with human rights and political clauses that require those in charge of government to protect human rights, democracy.

This human rights aspect was put aside and Ben Ali was accepted whilst he was involved in using the most severe violence against Tunisians, falsifying elections, winning by 99 per cent of the vote and Europe was silent. Why? Because Ben Ali presented himself to Europe saying that we are in one battle, we are (his regime) against fundamentalism, we have a common enemy, we are part of the war in terror.

While Ben Ali has in fact been a great source of terrorism. When Nahda was in Tunisia, functioning inside Tunisia there was no al-Qaeda and there were no violent acts, whereas now there are hundreds of Tunisian youths who are involved in fighting in Iraq, Somalia and Afghanistan due to not having the opportunity to be familiar with a moderate Islamic movement and have been influenced by al-Qaeda’s ideology.

Ben Ali sold himself to Europe saying support me and I will be a barrier to terrorism when in fact he has been the greatest source and exporter of terrorism to Europe.

FT: Are you really going back? You have been saying you are returning so when do you expect to be in Tunisia?

Ghannouchi: I decided to return because the cause for which I left Tunisia has now disappeared. I was sentenced to life imprisonment (three life sentences, when one would have been enough), and I did not accept to spend the rest of my life in prison. I had to defend my right to freedom.

Now Ben Ali has gone, the natural state is for me to be inside the country, to be involved. The dictator has fallen, but the dictatorship is still there. I wish to be involved in contributing alongside others to the dismantling of the dictatorship and to help in the process of taking Tunisia from the dictatorial system to a democratic one. To help in these efforts to take Tunisia though this transitional process.

We’ll go back to organising ourselves and contribute to the education of the new generation through our moderate, democratic thought.

Our thought is similar to that of the AKP (Justice and Development Party) in Turkey, currently in government. Indeed my books have almost all been translated into Turkish and are widely read there.

However I have no political aspirations myself, neither for standing as a minister, for parliament or president. Some are presenting me as a Khomeini who will return to Tunisia – I am no Khomeini.
The natural state is for me to be in Tunisia. As for the timing I have left this for my brothers, members of the Nahda have been informed of my intention and desire to go back, and arrangements have been left with them to prepare. Indeed the day they say ‘come’, I will go back.

My age does not allow me to consider such aspirations. I am nearing 70 years old and there are new generations inside Nahda more able, more suited to political activism. I intend to concentrate my contribution to the development of Islamic thought and my involvement in the causes of the Muslim world, and I hope to dedicate the rest of my life for working towards these endeavors.

Tunisa is one part of the Muslim world, and it will be one among my many duties and interests.

FT: You cited Nahda as being similar in some respects to the progressive AKP party in Turkey. If you were to look at Nahda within the spectrum of other regional Islamist movements and parties, how far are you from the Ikhwan (Muslim Brotherhood)?

Ghannouchi: (When I first came to the UK) I gave a lecture Manchester University in which I said democracy should not exclude communists. At the time this was rejected strongly by Islamists who saw it as accepting atheism. I said that it is not ethical for us to call on a secular government to accept us, while once we get to power we will eradicate them. We should treat people like-for-like. As the Prophet Muhammad said, one should wish for his brother what he wishes for oneself. And Kant said you should use your behaviour as your base for treating the rest of humanity.

At the time this was alien to political thought (among UK-exiled Arab Islamists) and I was described as a secularist and part of a secularist movement because I called for democracy that does not exclude anyone.
Indeed since our first statement, our founding statement on 5 June 1981, journalists have asked me: if the Tunisian people elected communists would you accept that?

I answered that if the Tunisian people do that then I would respect the will of the Tunisian people and I’ll then address them to convince them that this is not right and when there are elections, the elections will tell whether we managed to convince them.

And from 1981 to this day, there have been many changes to the Muslim world, democratic thought has spread and Islamists have realised the danger of dictatorships, and the benefits of democracy. And they have also realised the harm of Islamic regimes that are not democratic such as the model seen in Afghanistan under the Taliban and Islamist Sudan.

I believe that my thoughts, these ideas have been adopted by the mainstream of the Islamic movements. For instance, the Ikhwan, the largest Islamic movement, have accepted democratic principles and they have since issued many papers on the principles of pluralism and political participation of women. In the latest political programme of the Muslim Brotherhood (of Egypt) they have adopted these ideas although there remains some reservation on women as the head of state and on non-Muslim heads of state, Coptic Christians for instance, and where scholars oversee the legislative process. I openly criticised this stance on television and also in an article on Al-Jazeera in which I said that we should embrace the principles of citizenship as the basis for running the state. And since women and Coptic Christians are citizens they have the right to run for any position and there should be no overseeing of the legislative process by scholars.

In addition I should also actually add that this project published by the Muslim Brotherhood (of Egypt) was circulated for general discussion, it was not final. When they met with internal opposition they realised the error in this. Especially after the latest events in Egypt, many such as Ibrahim Munir (Secretary General of the International Organisation of the Muslim Brotherhood) have stated that they do not oppose the standing of Coptic Christians for head of state and have retracted their previous statement. This would otherwise undermine national unity, so we see a gradual development taking place. So we see a gradual evolution, we (Nadha) drank the cup of democracy in one gulp back in the 1980s while other Islamists have taken it sip by sip.

FT: Do Tunisians feel betrayed by their European neighbours in terms of allowing Ben Ali to continue his regime? And do you feel Tunisia’s relations are overly reliant politically and economically on the EU? If so, should Tunisia rebalance its relationships more towards the East, like Turkey have done?

RG: Europe has the right to seek its interests, we are not opposed to that. We do not teach them where their interests are, they know where their interests lie. The EU states have supported Ben Ali for their own interests, but now realise that it was short-sighted and at the expense of principles and ethics.
We believe in the interests can be sought while respecting ethics that there is no contradiction between ethics and interests.

The dictators should realise that they are supported when they are strong but abandoned when they fall .... As we saw, France supported Ben Ali but when he fell they united against him. Ben Ali’s plane was not allowed to land in Paris.

However Britain and France have been positive on the whole from the beginning of these events. They recognise the right of the Tunisian people to democracy and freedom...and other countries also eventually expressed this, including the United States.

It is the Arab world that expresses displeasure and concern, worrying that the flames will spread. Although we try to reassure them that each county has its own condition, but they still seem fearful. It seems that we have not yet exceeded to expel that fear.

The dictators are supported by the West but once they lose the trust of the people they will be abandoned by the West. But dictators are foolish and they only realise that too late and they did not read history...including very recent history. The Shah of Iran upon expulsion flew around the world (looking for assistance upon fleeing Tehran in 1979), but no one accepted him.

Regarding the relations with Europe, the departure of Ben Ali did not end the relations with the Europe Union. Such relations are not decided by which government is in power but by geography.

The EU and North Africa has had strong relations before and after Ben Ali. They are our near neighbours and always had strong relations of trade and culture between the North and South of the Mediterranean. In the era of the Romans, the Carthaginians and in the Islamic era, the relationship with Europe is not linked with any particular individual. On a clear night in fact one can see from the Tunisian coast the lights of Europe.
The demand of nationalist forces in Tunisia does not put an end to relations with Europe but a balance. Relations (must be) built on mutual respect and based on equality, and relations that are not at the expense of the wealth of the people, (or their) freedom and dignity.

Despite what I mentioned previously, Nahda greatly appreciates that several thousands of its members were accepted as political refugees in European countries – in France, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium, Holland, Britain and almost all European countries, despite great pressure from Ben Ali who claimed that these were extremists. But no European country accepted these claims....and this is an ethical stance that we appreciate.

Over 1,000 Nahda members were not only refugees but have become citizens of Europe and become involved in all aspects of life. Many are businessmen and women and are part of and participating in the wider Islamic community of Europe and are forwarding the agenda of moderation and are working against extremist ideas. So I hope we have not been a burden on Europe, that we are seen as a positive (force) living in Europe, and we have attempted to remain faithful to the contract, pact of sanctuary.

Source: The Financial Times

[ Bericht 0% gewijzigd door Aloulou op 03-02-2011 02:30:48 ]

quote:

Op donderdag 3 februari 2011 02:25 schreef Aloulou het volgende:
Zeer interessant interview met de leider van de Islamitische partij in Tunesie, an-Nadha (renaissance) Rachid al-Ghannouchi die na jarenlang asiel in Engeland afgelopen week terug is gekeerd in Tunesie. Bij zijn terugkeer werd hij - zoals eerder ook andere politici die in Europa verbleven en terugkeerden - ontvangen door honderden aanhangers die hem verwelkomden op het vliegveld in Carthago, Tunis. Daarnaast waren er ook wat tegenstanders te vinden die als teken van protest verzamelden en zich uitspraken tegen de "komst van deze Khomeiny" en demonstreerden. Ghannouchi stelt zichzelf niet beschikbaar voor welke functie dan ook en zal als filosoof en partijideoloog zich verder inzetten. De partij zelf doet - dacht ik - niet mee met de eerstvolgende presidentsverkiezingen maar wel met de parlementaire. Begin jaren '90 werd gerekend dat ze op minimaal zo'n 30% van de stemmen konden rekenen en vandaar dat Ben Ali ze keihard vervolgd heeft aangezien het een gevaar voor zijn macht was.

Het interview is door Financial Times afgenomen eental dagen voordat de revolutie het hoogtepunt bereikte en op de vrijdagnamiddag Ben Ali de benen nam naar uiteindelijk Saoedie Arabie. Het interview raakt onderwerpen aan die zeer actueel ook zijn voor Egypte en eventuele democratie - in de toekomst - in andere Arabische landen en hoe zich dat verhoudt tot Islam. Het interview gaat over Tunesie, Ben Ali en zijn zeer repressieve regime, discrepantie tussen roep om democratie vanuit Westen naar Arabische wereld en tegelijkertijd dictators uit angst voor macht van Islamisten hand boven het hoofd houden, democratie en een Islamitische partij en in hoeverre dat (wel of niet) samengaat, shari'a, Khomeiny, Moslimbroederschap in Egypte, vrouwenrechten, verkiezingen, gelijke rechten voor allen, oppositie voeren, en de AKP in Turkije als voorbeeld:

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The Financial Times interviewed Rachid Ghannouchi, exiled leader of Tunisia’s Nahda party, in London. The interview was conducted on Sunday evening, just before a new unity government was announced in Tunis.

Published: January 18 2011 11:47
FT: A government is about to be formed in Tunisia following the fall of Zein al-Abidine Ben Ali. It includes parties that are there, on the ground, and you are not there. How is Nahda going to find a way to be involved on the ground?

Ghannouchi: The government that is to be announced tomorrow is a continuation of the 7 November era. This is not a rupture with that era. The revolution wanted a rupture with that era. The revolution was against a dictator and the era of 7 November. But the faces we see are the same faces of the old regime with some new faces from the official opposition.

FT: How would you describe this current stage? Is it just the beginning of the end of the Ben Ali era or do you feel that perhaps the revolution is not yet completed?
Ghannouchi: There are many contradictory wills within this government. Perhaps some of those participating in this process such as Najib Chebbi (opposition leader) believe that this is the path for moving from the dictatorship to a democracy. Some of the others, the ruling party and the domestic opposition see democracy as just a facade for the dictatorial system and indeed an attempt to contain the revolution.

FT: This is all new for Tunisians, the end of the Ben Ali era. How can you make a very strong break today from the system, when there is nothing to replace it? Don’t you need this type of transition period?

Ghannouchi: Basing the transition on the (current) constitution to build a democratic system is a futile attempt to build democracy from dictatorship because only God can bring out life from death. We cannot bring out a democratic system out of this corrupt, dictatorial system. We have to put an end to the authoritarian system and start a new one. Basing this transition on Article 56 or 57 is a continuation of the old system. The constitution was a tyranny, the state was reduced to one man, who had in his hands the executive, judicial and legislative powers and was not accountable to anyone. How can such a constitution point towards building a democratic system, even as a starting point.

The first step of building a democratic system is to build a democratic constitution. For this we need a founding council for rebuilding the state, one in which political parties, the trade unions and the civil society join. This council will rebuild the democratic constitution and will be the basis for building the democratic system.

FT: But who will decide who takes part? Ben Ali controlled so much as you know but now that he’s gone, political parties that are there are very weak, trade unions are weak, who will bring people together?

Ghannouchi: Who made this revolution? It is the people who made this revolution.This revolution was not made by an angry, out-of-control mob. There are 250, 000 university graduates who are in fact the basis for this revolution. It is not angry, uneducated people. They were the base of this revolution with their creative ways of using the internet and other media. As to the trade unions, it’s true that their leadership has been subservient (to the regime) but the regional union headquarters were the centre of the protests and they led the revolution.

The lawyers also led the main protest marches and these are important bodies which were later joined by the opposition towards the end. There are still important civil society institutions, lawyers, trade unions, political parties, the representative bodies of unemployed graduates and it is them who (could potentially) support the constitutional council. What we see is that they are not present in this (current) transition.

FT: Are you in contact with the other leaders in the opposition? Have you been consulting with them?

Ghannouchi: We as a member of the October 18 movement which we founded in 2005 and it brings together parties and civil society institutions, including Nejib Chebbi from the Progressive Democratic Party, the Tunisian Communist Workers Party, and the Conference for the Republic and other human rights organisations. This was founded in 2005 for one simple demand: to call for freedom of expression and association for everyone and for recognising the rights of all parties.

Later when we developed this coalition, to elaborate this joint intellectual basis we produced several papers which all members of this movement agree on and embrace. The first was a paper on philosophical pluralism. There is no limit to pluralism except not embracing violence, and giving the rights to anyone to found the party.

The second was the rights of women because the government used to always say to frighten people away that (the Islamists) will take away the rights of women. Then we had to reassure others in this coalition who were being accused of working with the Islamists. And we all recognise, we accept the personal status code and will not cancel it or refuse it. Indeed we had expressed this since 1988 on 17 July where I made a statement in which I recognised the personal status code.

Another paper was on the freedom of conscience, to address the allegations that Islamists will be using the punishment for apostasy and will kill people for what they believe. The paper recognised that Tunisians have the freedom to believe in anything, to leave or embrace any faith, as faith is a personal matter. On the basis of these papers the coalition moved from no longer being a short-term political coalition, but a social project for society.

For the Tunisia that we are working for, one in which women enjoy equality, people can establish and join any party and they have the freedom to believe any faith.

FT: Have you been talking to some of the leaders over the past two days? Is there any coordination?

Ghannouchi: Yes we are in communication with members of this coalition…. However with the recent developments in the county, differences have appeared between members of the coalition, in their evaluation of the situation. In that Nejib Chebbi two days before the fall of Ben Ali met with the former prime minister, who is indeed has been currently re-installed as the interim prime minister. This was Ben Ali’s last trick to try to remain in power, to call for forming a national unity government. So indeed what we see now, this national unity government, was planned by Ben Ali. Chebbi agreed to meet the Prime Minister, (others) rejected this.

FT: What is the representation of Nahda today in Tunisia? It was a long time ago that you were there...do you think people are still attached to Nahda?

Ghannouchi: Only elections can reveal that. In the West the popularity of a party is judged through elections – they may have 10, 20 or 30 per cent of the vote. Anyone can claim 99 per cent popularity. When the ban on parties is lifted (in Tunisia) only then can we can judge the success and failure of parties or the extent of their popularity.

I could tell you that we are very popular, but how would you believe that? There are new generations now who have not had the opportunity to be familiar with Nahda and nor does Nahda know them. We have not had the opportunity to address or influence them.

We expect that many still remember us. The crackdown on Nahda was very severe, and there is not a family in Tunisia who hasn’t had one of its members because of association with Nahda, imprisoned, lost their jobs or been exiled (for political reasons).

One of our members was recently killed in the latest protest. He was (first) abducted, then killed.
Thirty thousand of our members and sympathisers were imprisoned in the beginning of the 90s. There was a crusade against us. Over a hundred died under torture or suffered torture in prison. While this was happening Ben Ali was receiving great support from Europe, and Tunisia was the first country of the southern Mediterranean to become a trade partner (referring to the Association Agreement) with the EU.

While torture was taking place, documented by Amnesty International and other human rights organisations, and repression was at its highest point, Europe was praising Ben Ali’s great achievement and supposed economic miracle. And European universities were awarding Ben Ali human rights awards, whilst he was slaughtering Tunisians, they were granting him honorary doctorates.

When I left Tunisia, I was prevented from entering many European counties. I had visas for France, Germany, Italy and Spain. All were cancelled when Ben Ali’s crackdown started on Nahda – except for Great Britain. And I appreciate that this country gave me refuge when all other European countries prevented me from entering their soil, not to mention all Arab countries who deported members of Nahda or handed them over to the Tunisian government.

FT: You alluded earlier to the fact that even within the October 18 movement, with fellow Tunisians from other parties, that, as an Islamist you had to make your position clear on a number of issues preemptively in order to be accepted as a legitimate member of the movement. Do you worry that an Islamist component within the unity government might harm Tunisian’s external relations, particularly with the EU?

Ghannouchi: Well I don’t accuse the EU of not putting pressure on Ben Ali for repressing Nahda. Ben Ali was very keen to repress us not because we were religious or an Islamist party but because we represented a powerful opposition to his system.

Habib Bourguiba (the country’s first post-independence President, later deposed in 1987 by Ben Ali in a coup d’état) and Ben Ali’s regime, under them, Nahda members were not the first to occupy their prisons. In the 50s prisons were filled with Youssefites (political activists loyal to Salah Ben Youssef, a senior official who broke away from Bourguiba’s ruling Constitutional Party); in the 60s it was the Leftists; in the 70s it was the trade unions; and in the 80s it was our turn to replace them under this regime, which represses anyone who represents a credible opposition.

We do not hold the EU responsible for Ben Ali’s repression; Ben Ali repressed anyone who opposed him. But Europe did not oppose or criticise this repression. The EU accepted Ben Ali as a partner and while the EU-Tunisia trade agreement has an economic aspect with human rights and political clauses that require those in charge of government to protect human rights, democracy.

This human rights aspect was put aside and Ben Ali was accepted whilst he was involved in using the most severe violence against Tunisians, falsifying elections, winning by 99 per cent of the vote and Europe was silent. Why? Because Ben Ali presented himself to Europe saying that we are in one battle, we are (his regime) against fundamentalism, we have a common enemy, we are part of the war in terror.

While Ben Ali has in fact been a great source of terrorism. When Nahda was in Tunisia, functioning inside Tunisia there was no al-Qaeda and there were no violent acts, whereas now there are hundreds of Tunisian youths who are involved in fighting in Iraq, Somalia and Afghanistan due to not having the opportunity to be familiar with a moderate Islamic movement and have been influenced by al-Qaeda’s ideology.

Ben Ali sold himself to Europe saying support me and I will be a barrier to terrorism when in fact he has been the greatest source and exporter of terrorism to Europe.

FT: Are you really going back? You have been saying you are returning so when do you expect to be in Tunisia?

Ghannouchi: I decided to return because the cause for which I left Tunisia has now disappeared. I was sentenced to life imprisonment (three life sentences, when one would have been enough), and I did not accept to spend the rest of my life in prison. I had to defend my right to freedom.

Now Ben Ali has gone, the natural state is for me to be inside the country, to be involved. The dictator has fallen, but the dictatorship is still there. I wish to be involved in contributing alongside others to the dismantling of the dictatorship and to help in the process of taking Tunisia from the dictatorial system to a democratic one. To help in these efforts to take Tunisia though this transitional process.

We’ll go back to organising ourselves and contribute to the education of the new generation through our moderate, democratic thought.

Our thought is similar to that of the AKP (Justice and Development Party) in Turkey, currently in government. Indeed my books have almost all been translated into Turkish and are widely read there.

However I have no political aspirations myself, neither for standing as a minister, for parliament or president. Some are presenting me as a Khomeini who will return to Tunisia – I am no Khomeini.
The natural state is for me to be in Tunisia. As for the timing I have left this for my brothers, members of the Nahda have been informed of my intention and desire to go back, and arrangements have been left with them to prepare. Indeed the day they say ‘come’, I will go back.

My age does not allow me to consider such aspirations. I am nearing 70 years old and there are new generations inside Nahda more able, more suited to political activism. I intend to concentrate my contribution to the development of Islamic thought and my involvement in the causes of the Muslim world, and I hope to dedicate the rest of my life for working towards these endeavors.

Tunisa is one part of the Muslim world, and it will be one among my many duties and interests.

FT: You cited Nahda as being similar in some respects to the progressive AKP party in Turkey. If you were to look at Nahda within the spectrum of other regional Islamist movements and parties, how far are you from the Ikhwan (Muslim Brotherhood)?

Ghannouchi: (When I first came to the UK) I gave a lecture Manchester University in which I said democracy should not exclude communists. At the time this was rejected strongly by Islamists who saw it as accepting atheism. I said that it is not ethical for us to call on a secular government to accept us, while once we get to power we will eradicate them. We should treat people like-for-like. As the Prophet Muhammad said, one should wish for his brother what he wishes for oneself. And Kant said you should use your behaviour as your base for treating the rest of humanity.

At the time this was alien to political thought (among UK-exiled Arab Islamists) and I was described as a secularist and part of a secularist movement because I called for democracy that does not exclude anyone.
Indeed since our first statement, our founding statement on 5 June 1981, journalists have asked me: if the Tunisian people elected communists would you accept that?

I answered that if the Tunisian people do that then I would respect the will of the Tunisian people and I’ll then address them to convince them that this is not right and when there are elections, the elections will tell whether we managed to convince them.

And from 1981 to this day, there have been many changes to the Muslim world, democratic thought has spread and Islamists have realised the danger of dictatorships, and the benefits of democracy. And they have also realised the harm of Islamic regimes that are not democratic such as the model seen in Afghanistan under the Taliban and Islamist Sudan.

I believe that my thoughts, these ideas have been adopted by the mainstream of the Islamic movements. For instance, the Ikhwan, the largest Islamic movement, have accepted democratic principles and they have since issued many papers on the principles of pluralism and political participation of women. In the latest political programme of the Muslim Brotherhood (of Egypt) they have adopted these ideas although there remains some reservation on women as the head of state and on non-Muslim heads of state, Coptic Christians for instance, and where scholars oversee the legislative process. I openly criticised this stance on television and also in an article on Al-Jazeera in which I said that we should embrace the principles of citizenship as the basis for running the state. And since women and Coptic Christians are citizens they have the right to run for any position and there should be no overseeing of the legislative process by scholars.

In addition I should also actually add that this project published by the Muslim Brotherhood (of Egypt) was circulated for general discussion, it was not final. When they met with internal opposition they realised the error in this. Especially after the latest events in Egypt, many such as Ibrahim Munir (Secretary General of the International Organisation of the Muslim Brotherhood) have stated that they do not oppose the standing of Coptic Christians for head of state and have retracted their previous statement. This would otherwise undermine national unity, so we see a gradual development taking place. So we see a gradual evolution, we (Nadha) drank the cup of democracy in one gulp back in the 1980s while other Islamists have taken it sip by sip.

FT: Do Tunisians feel betrayed by their European neighbours in terms of allowing Ben Ali to continue his regime? And do you feel Tunisia’s relations are overly reliant politically and economically on the EU? If so, should Tunisia rebalance its relationships more towards the East, like Turkey have done?

RG: Europe has the right to seek its interests, we are not opposed to that. We do not teach them where their interests are, they know where their interests lie. The EU states have supported Ben Ali for their own interests, but now realise that it was short-sighted and at the expense of principles and ethics.
We believe in the interests can be sought while respecting ethics that there is no contradiction between ethics and interests.

The dictators should realise that they are supported when they are strong but abandoned when they fall .... As we saw, France supported Ben Ali but when he fell they united against him. Ben Ali’s plane was not allowed to land in Paris.

However Britain and France have been positive on the whole from the beginning of these events. They recognise the right of the Tunisian people to democracy and freedom...and other countries also eventually expressed this, including the United States.

It is the Arab world that expresses displeasure and concern, worrying that the flames will spread. Although we try to reassure them that each county has its own condition, but they still seem fearful. It seems that we have not yet exceeded to expel that fear.

The dictators are supported by the West but once they lose the trust of the people they will be abandoned by the West. But dictators are foolish and they only realise that too late and they did not read history...including very recent history. The Shah of Iran upon expulsion flew around the world (looking for assistance upon fleeing Tehran in 1979), but no one accepted him.

Regarding the relations with Europe, the departure of Ben Ali did not end the relations with the Europe Union. Such relations are not decided by which government is in power but by geography.

The EU and North Africa has had strong relations before and after Ben Ali. They are our near neighbours and always had strong relations of trade and culture between the North and South of the Mediterranean. In the era of the Romans, the Carthaginians and in the Islamic era, the relationship with Europe is not linked with any particular individual. On a clear night in fact one can see from the Tunisian coast the lights of Europe.
The demand of nationalist forces in Tunisia does not put an end to relations with Europe but a balance. Relations (must be) built on mutual respect and based on equality, and relations that are not at the expense of the wealth of the people, (or their) freedom and dignity.

Despite what I mentioned previously, Nahda greatly appreciates that several thousands of its members were accepted as political refugees in European countries – in France, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium, Holland, Britain and almost all European countries, despite great pressure from Ben Ali who claimed that these were extremists. But no European country accepted these claims....and this is an ethical stance that we appreciate.

Over 1,000 Nahda members were not only refugees but have become citizens of Europe and become involved in all aspects of life. Many are businessmen and women and are part of and participating in the wider Islamic community of Europe and are forwarding the agenda of moderation and are working against extremist ideas. So I hope we have not been a burden on Europe, that we are seen as a positive (force) living in Europe, and we have attempted to remain faithful to the contract, pact of sanctuary.

Source: The Financial Times

zeer goede vragen (en antwoorden). thanks voor plaatsing

Tunesische politie drijft protest uiteen

De Tunesische politie heeft vandaag traangas ingezet tegen een groep demonstranten in de hoofdstad Tunis. Enkele honderden mensen, vooral jongeren, namen deel aan het protest.
De politie had ongeveer een uur nodig om de betogers uiteen te drijven.

De betogers demonstreerden omdat de interim-regering in hun ogen geen gehoor geeft aan de wensen van het volk.

Hassene Dridi, een fotograaf van Associated Press die verslag deed van het protest, werd in elkaar geslagen en korte tijd vastgehouden door de politie.

quote:

Tunesische politie drijft protest uiteen

De Tunesische politie heeft vandaag traangas ingezet tegen een groep demonstranten in de hoofdstad Tunis. Enkele honderden mensen, vooral jongeren, namen deel aan het protest.

De politie had ongeveer een uur nodig om de betogers uiteen te drijven. De betogers demonstreerden omdat de interim-regering in hun ogen geen gehoor geeft aan de wensen van het volk.

Hassene Dridi, een fotograaf van Associated Press die verslag deed van het protest, werd in elkaar geslagen en korte tijd vastgehouden door de politie.

En er zijn ook een boel gevangen ontsnapt.... opnieuw..

Er lijkt wel weer een crisis aan te komen in Tunesie. Vandaag, gisteren, aardig wat demonstraties die qua deelnemers toenemen. Dit komt omdat een voormalige Minister van de overgangsregering heeft gezegd dat hij vermoed dat een kliek Tunesiers (waarvan ook nu in de overgangsregering zitten) er alles aan zullen doen aan de macht te blijven, ook als de verkiezingen worden gehouden 24 Juli.
Hij verwees naar stemmen kopen van kiezers en als de Islamitische partij veel stemmen krijgt dat ze het leger zullen vragen in te grijpen en daar hun invloeden willen aanwenden. Hij gaf aan dat deze kliek "Sahilians" (verwijzend naar de welvarendere kuststeden en elite daar) het nooit zal toestaan dat ze moeten inleveren aan de Nahdha partij (islamitisch). Dit is allemaal gelekt op facebook omdat hij dit prive zei tegen een journalist nadat hij met een minister van de huidige overgangsregering had gebeld. Het was dus niet de bedoeling eigenlijk dat dit naar buiten kwam, desondanks wordt hij nu als een held gezien die het gevaar aanduidt dat de revolutie gekaapt wordt.

Zodoende dus veel ophef erover en ook demonstraties dat de huidige overgangsregering en vooral prominenten daarin moeten vertrekken. Een van die demonstraties is gisteren in centrum van Tunis hard neergeslagen, wat mensen weer doet denken aan het "Ben Ali tijdperk" en nog bozer maakt. Daarna is dus een avondklok tot vanochtend ingesteld door de overgangsregering.
Ook is uitgekomen dat vorige week een wet is aangenomen dat websites censureert en een aantal facebookpagina's zijn al geblokkeerd.

Vanavond gaat de Tunesische premier in debat op TV over deze zaak en dan vooral de claim dat hij en anderen ervoor zouden zorgen dat ze sowieso aan de macht blijven na de verkiezingen, ook als de uitslag hen ongunstig is. En daarnaast ook het buitensporige geweld tegen demonstranten als censuur. Premier al-Sebsi nam het over van Mohammed el-Ghannouchi die als premier moest aftreden omdat de demonstraties te groot werden tegen zijn positie als voormalig partijlid van Ben Ali's partij.

Over de circa 600 gevangenen die zijn ontsnapt heeft men ook veel vragen. Hoe het uberhaupt kan en of er geen politieke hand achter zit bijvoorbeeld. Zo werd afgelopen week ook een kantoor van de an-nahdha (islamitische) partij belaagd door jongeren (gezien het filmpje). De bijeenkomst werd verstoord en probeerde zaken kapot te slaan. Ik geloof zelf niet dat deze jongeren zelf tot zo'n daad zijn gekomen. Alles behalve dat eigenlijk.

Treurig, treurig, treurig ..... Ik was er al een beetje bang voor, er is zoveel wantrouwen tegenover een overheid en niemand in Tunesie weet eigenlijk hoe je (ook al weer) moet regeren. Maar dat ook de oudere, wijze mannen zich niet in kunnen houden en toch (ook al is het prive) en toch weer tegenstellingen benadrukken en creeeren
Kennelijk moet er nog veel meer gebeuren voordat de mensen/overheid beseffen dat je samen met z'n allen een land (welvarend) moet maken.

quote:

Tunesië:250 vluchtelingen vermist
Update: donderdag 2 jun 2011, 18:45

In de Middellandse Zee worden zo'n 250 mensen vermist, melden Tunesische media. De vluchtelingen zaten op schepen die hen illegaal naar Europa hadden willen brengen en die voor de kust van Tunesië in problemen kwamen. Volgens de Tunesische kustwacht zijn er 570 mensen uit het water gered.

Volgens sommige bronnen zaten de vluchtelingen op één boot die verging. Andere bronnen zeggen dat een vloot van kleine bootjes was uitgevaren.

De problemen ontstonden op 20 kilometer uit de kust, bij de Kerkennah-eilanden. Duizenden Afrikanen zijn dit jaar al van Noord-Afrika naar Europa gevlucht.

bron

Verkiezingen voor een committee die de grondwet gaat herzien en een nieuwe voorstellen zijn uitgestelt van half Juli naar half Oktober (23). Zat er al aan te komen, organisatie dat de verkiezingen regelt had eerder al aangegeven dat het te snel is om alles goed op orde te krijgen.
Nu heeft Sebsi de huidige premier van de interim-regering definitief besloten het uit te stellen na officieel advies van desbetreffende organisatie die over de verkiezingen gaat.

Politieke partijen kunnen het begrijpen en hebben op kanttekeningen hier en daar na gematigd positief gereageerd. Zijn verschrikkelijk veel partijen maar je ziet al een duidelijke bekendheid van 4 a 5 namen/partijen. Campagne is al langer volop begonnen, in heel het land veel bijeenkomsten, congressen, partijkantoren geopend, partijbladen, flyers en noem maar op.

Voor de rest is het hier en daar afentoe onrustig in Tunesie, hoewel dat per gebied erg verschilt.
In het zuiden aan de grens met Libie blijven nog steeds vluchtelingen binnenkomen wat de situatie er niet beter op maakt nu het land zelf ook na trilt van de revolutie.

Ik zit zelf de hele maand juli in de hoofdstad en daarna in een andere kustplaats een maand dus ben erg benieuwd wat er te beleven valt politiek gezien. Ben ook van plan paar bijeenkomsten te bezoeken, gewoon om te zien wat er gezegd/gedacht wordt etc.

Ik ga over een maandje naar Tunesië ( ik ben half tunesisch), wel benieuwd hoe het daar nu is eigenlijk..

Ben Ali is veroordeeld tot 35 jaar cel voor corruptie.

quote:

Op maandag 20 juni 2011 21:40 schreef rakotto het volgende:
Ben Ali is veroordeeld tot 35 jaar cel voor corruptie.

En mag 46 miljoen gaan betalen.

quote:

Nederland neemt voortouw overgang Tunesië

DEN HAAG/VILNIUS - Nederland gaat samen met Slowakije een werkgroep leiden die de overgang naar een democratie in Tunesië ondersteunt.

Minister Uri Rosenthal van Buitenlandse Zaken meldde dat vrijdag in Litouwen op een conferentie van de Community of Democracies, een netwerk van ruim honderd landen.

Rosenthal zei dat Nederland zich gaat richten op drie punten: ''vrije en eerlijke verkiezingen, het bevorderen van de rechtsstaat en mensenrechten en banen, vooral voor jongeren en vrouwen.''

Daarbij pleitte de minister opnieuw voor de verdere openstelling van de grenzen van de Europese Unie voor producten uit de Arabische regio. Zijn Amerikaanse ambtgenoot Hillary Clinton bedankte Nederland voor het initiatief in Tunesië.

Tunesië stelt nu eerst een actieplan op, waar de werkgroep van uit zal gaan. Maatschappelijke en onafhankelijke organisaties zullen hierbij ook een grote rol spelen.

bron

quote:

Tunis crowds gather for anti-censorship march

REPORTING FROM TUNIS, TUNISIA -- 305851_10100450506218755_3402052_53823322_1966855242_n-1In the latest turn in an increasingly heated debate between Islamic conservatives and secularists in Tunisia, thousands of liberal demonstrators descended on the Tunisian capital Sunday afternoon to take part in a march for freedom of expression and against censorship.

The demonstration, dubbed "Aataqni" or "set me free" in Tunisian Arabic, came only two days after throngs of Islamist protesters marched through central Tunis calling for the implementation of Islamic law and the shutting down of Nessma TV. The station recently outraged Islamists by airing the animated feature film Persepolis, which includes a scene depicting God, forbidden under Islamic law.

Liberals, meanwhile, appear to be alarmed at the fervor of Islamists, with just one week until landmark elections for a constituent assembly, which will write a new constitution after the overthrew this year of President Zine al-Abedine ben Ali.

"If we accept this kind of censorship, it could lead to censorship of other programs, such as educational ones," 32-year-old demonstrator Tarek Marsouguy told World Now. "So we have to fight for freedom of expression."

Other marchers said they had come out to "defend their freedom" and to preserve the revolution so that it continues "on the right path."

Liberté d'Expression Grande Manif a Tunis

About 2,000 marchers waved Tunisian flags and carried banners saying "freedom of expression is sacred" and "I'm Tunisian and free."

As the crowd began marching down a central Tunis street, demonstrators broke out in song and sang the national hymn. Then they switched to chanting slogans calling for a civil state and condemning censorship.

"With my soul, my blood, I sacrifice myself for freedom," they shouted. Some protesters also decried hard-line religious conservatives.

Sunday's march was calm, in contrast to Friday's Islamist rally which -- although initially peaceful -- ended with riot police firing tear gas at the crowds as they approached the Casbah, sending demonstrators running for cover in nearby buildings.

The dispute over Nessma TV has highlighted the struggle between religious conservatives and liberals over the direction of the country. Organizers of Sunday's demonstration wrote in a post on the march's Facebook page that the rally was not about Nessma TV but rather for the greater cause of preserving freedoms.

"This event does not defend Nessma TV in any way, this event defends the freedom of the individual," the post says. "We do not want a dictatorship in the name of the sacred. We do not want to go from a police dictatorship to an Islamic dictatorship."

-- Alexandra Sandels

A.s. zondag 23 Oktober de eerste vrije verkiezing in Tunesie. Of wat de eerste vrije verkiezing zou moeten worden. Voor Tunesiers in het buitenland (zoals Nederland) is het 20, 21 en 22 Oktober mogelijk bij de ambassade te stemmen. Verschrikkelijk veel partijen, zo'n 90. Veel mensen zien door de bomen het bos niet meer in dit politieke landschap van een land wat tot de revolutie altijd maar 1 president kende voor circa 20 a 30 jaar en politieke opponenten keihard werden onderdrukt.

De laatste twee weken veel spanningen in aanloop naar de verkiezingen door o.a. een film die is uitgezonden op Tunesische (commerciele) TV-zender Nessma waarin God werd afgebeeld. Een film gemaakt over de Islamitische revolutie in Iran en waar een pubermeid worstelt met de nieuwe religieuze waarden. Vertaald naar het Tunesisch-Arabisch en uitgezonden door een tv-station wat volgens velen een dubieuze geschiedenis heeft gezien het feit dat de eigenaar tot kort voor het einde van de revolutie in Frankrijk nog Ben Ali prees. Veel demonstraties geweest, die uitliepen op geweld hier en daar. Tegendemonstraties geweest landelijk. Voor vrijheid van expressie en tegen een religieuze staat en geweld.

Misschien handig in het kort dit Engelse overzicht te geven over de verkiezingen, welke partijen er zijn, of ze populair zijn en waar het om gaat:

quote:

Why are elections important for an international audience?

The elections for the Constituent Assembly that will take place on October 23rd are the first democratic elections in the Arab world. The international audience will be focusing on these elections as it will either determine the success or the failure of democratic experience in the Arab world, especially since Tunisia is the country from which the Arab Spring sparked.
For more details, click here.

How long will it be before the results are released?
The Independent High Authority for the Elections (known by its French acronym ISIE) declared that the final results will be announced 12 days after the day of the elections (October 23rd), but that primary results will be announced progressively as the counts are done.

Who is monitoring the elections?
There will be national and international observers who will monitor the elections. They will be present on October 23rd in the polling stations in all 33 electoral districts to make sure that there is no fraud. They will also monitor the vote counting.

How does the voting process work?
Please click here to find a detailed example that shows how the voting process works. (Question 5)

When do polls open and when do they close?
On October 23rd, polling stations are open from 7am to 7pm. For Tunisians living outside of the country, polling stations will be open from October 20th to October 22nd at times determined by local working hours.

Who are the top candidates/ profiles? (top 3 parties)
Among the 112 political parties existing in Tunisia, the top 3 parties are:
Ennahda (The Islamic Renaissance Party)
The Progressive Democratic Party (PDP)
Ettakatol (Coalescence party)

How much power will the Assembly have?
The Constituent Assembly will be the supreme power in Tunisia as, first, it will be responsible for writing the Constitution of the Tunisian Republic, and second, it will be responsible for appointing a Prime Minister who will in turn create the second interim government that will stay effective until the new Constitution goes into effect.

What are current unemployment figures? Adult and youth? Graduates/non-graduates?
The latest statistics show that unemployment rates in Tunisia have reached 14%.
Unemployment rates among youth amount 30%, 3 times higher than rates among the adult population.

Unemployment figures among graduates have continuously increased in the last few years, reaching 22% in 2009; while it has decreased for non graduates as the government have been creating jobs that don’t require qualifications.

How badly has Tunisia’s economy been affected after the revolution?
The Tunisian economy has seriously been affected by the revolution. The rates revealed by the National Institute for Statistics show that the GDP has decreased by 7.8% in the first trimester of 2011 compared to 2010. The Central Bank of Tunisia is expecting a 1% growth in GDP in 2011, compared to 3.7% last year. But tourism, which represents 7% of Tunisia’s GDP, was considerably affected. The sector’s income has decreased by 35%, while transport saw a 18.5% decrease.

What do Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch say about the current human rights situation?
In its report released on September 27th, 2011, Amnesty International is pushing political leaders to sign the human rights manifesto, and many parties have shared their opinion about it.

Human Rights Watch reports that the Tunisian government lifted restrictions on the Women’s Rights Treaty.

Who is likely to be voted / who are the main candidates?
The main candidates for the Constituent Assembly are:
Abdelfattah Mourou (independent candidate)
Mustapha Ben Jaafar (Head of Ettakatol)
Moncef Marzouki (Head of CPR)

Even if Rached Ghannouchi (Head of Ennahda) and Hamma Hamami (Head of PCOT) are major political leaders, they are not candidates for the Constituent Assembly.

Who are the main female candidates?
The main female candidates are:
Maya Jribi (General Secretary for PDP)
Radhia Nasraoui (Lawyer and Human Rights Activist – Head of list for PCOT)
Bochra Bel Haj Hmida (active member of the Democratic Women’s Tunisian Association - Head of list for Ettakatol)

What do latest polls show?
The latest polls show that among the chosen population, 74% of respondents have a preference for a party and 26% don’t know for whom to vote.

The latest poll reveal the following voting intentions:

Ennahda – 25%
PDP – 16%
Ettakatol – 14%
CPR – 8%
Afek Tounes – 3%
Al Moubadara – 3%
Al Moustakbel – 3%
Al Watan – 3%
Mourou’s List – 3%
PCOT – 3%

But the same poll shows that 35% of respondents are sure of their choice, while 44% could change their mind, and 21% have no opinion.

Source: Tunisia live

An-Nahda is de Islamitische partij. Gematigd-Islamistisch. Bestaat al lang en zal veel stemmen halen. Maar zeker geen meerderheid. Ook veel mensen tegen hen en die gaan zeker alleen daarom al stemmen.

CPR van Marzouki is centrum-links te noemen. Zit in een pact met paar partijen zoals Nahda om zich te blijven toeleggen op het vervolgen van RCD-rechters, advocaten en politici die erg vieze handen hebben. RCD was de partij van Ben Ali die 23 jaar regeerde en nu officieel verboden is.
Marzouki woonde jarenlang in Frankrijk en was zit al jaren in de Human Rights League als Tunesische activist en voormalig politicus die was gevlucht onder Ben Ali's regime.

PDP is liberaal-democratisch. Vooral populair bij stedelijke middenklasse en hogeropgeleiden. De leider Najib Chebbi zat ook lang vast onder Ben Ali en heeft zich uitgesproken strak erop toe te zien dat "geen centimer" van behaalde vrouwenrechten wordt ingeleverd. Gaat het ook vrij goed doen hoewel ze de laatste maand problemen hebben door bepaalde beschuldigingen zoals met twee tongen spreken.

De socialistische partij staat er boven in het lijstje niet in maar dacht men van dat ze het ook goed zouden doen in het begin. Nu de verkiezingen dichterbij komen lijken ze weggezakt te zijn. Maar veel zaken die zij aankaarten en het socialistische karakter spreekt veel Tunesiers in eerste instantie wel aan.

Voor de duidelijkheid. Het gaat niet direct om de president deze verkiezingen maar (belangrijker) de constitutie. Die wordt helemaal herzien door het parlement en zonodig opnieuw geschreven.
De interim-president die wordt gekozen uit dat parlement zal vermoedelijk direct presidentsverkiezingen uitschrijven. Wellicht zal dat een jaar, of twee jaar later zijn. Aangezien voor het herschrijven en aanpassen van de grondwet ook door analisten op een jaar wordt gerekend. Het probleem is hierbij dat het land (economisch) helemaal op zijn gat ligt, politiek gezien het nogal eens tot uitbarstingen leidt wat zijn weerslag op de samenleving heeft en de mensen geen geduld gaan hebben om nog een jaar of twee te wachten in de toestand zoals het nu is. Spannende tijden dus en veel Tunesiers zien de toekomst niet erg hoopvol tegemoet door alle onzekerheid.

[ Bericht 3% gewijzigd door Aloulou op 18-10-2011 17:49:49 ]

Erg informatieve Franstalige blog van Tunesiers over de politieke ontwikkelingen in hun land.
http://www.nawaat.org

Engelstalige nieuwswebsite over de ontwikkelingen in Tunesie met aardig goede background information over de aanstaande verkiezingen, partijen en wat er in het land speelt:
www.
http://www.tunisia-live.net/

Thanks, veel nuttige info. Ik ben benieuwd zondag.

Morgen kunnen Tunesiers in de diaspora beginnen met stemmen op de Tunesische ambassade in hun land. Dit is drie dagen mogelijk, t/m zaterdag. A.s. Zondag de 23e is de verkiezingsdag in Tunesie zelf.

Alle partijen hebben hun laatste (grote) bijeenkomsten. Hier en daar wordt al vooruitgelopen op toekomstige allianties, en soms ook uitgesproken. Het lijkt zo goed als zeker dat geen een partij een meerderheid zal halen van de stemmen.

Voor geinteresseerden

Securing the Election: 42,000 Security Agents to Guard Polling Stations
http://www.tunisia-live.n(...)uring-local-offices/

Alliances Emerge from Fractured Political Scene
http://www.tunisia-live.n(...)red-political-scene/

En meer op te vinden op die Engelstalige website.

http://nieuwsuur.nl/video(...)ezingen-tunesie.html

Reportage van Nieuwsuur.

Overigens erg ironisch dat de film 'persepolis' gewelddadige protesten uitlokte van islamisten in Tunesië.

quote:

Op donderdag 20 oktober 2011 02:24 schreef spoor4 het volgende:
Overigens erg ironisch dat de film 'persepolis' gewelddadige protesten uitlokte van islamisten in Tunesië.

Op wat voor manier?

Foto's: Tunesië maakt zich op voor historische verkiezingen.

Vandaag parlementsverkiezingen in Tunesie. Parlement neemt de belangrijke taak op zich een nieuwe constitutie te schrijven, overgangsregering te vormen en die vermoedelijk op korte termijn presidentsverkiezingen uitschrijft voor volgend jaar:

Veiligheidsdiensten Ain Zaghouan


Zaghouan, wachten om te stemmen.


Hay Nasr, wijk in Tunis.


Lafayette, Tunis.


Lafayette weer.


Sidi Bou Said


Sidi Bou Said nogmaals


Stemlokaal


Kandidatenlijst An-Nahda partij


Stemboxen, Mnihla, Tunis


75 jaar en voor eerste keer stemmen, geeft aan trots te zijn op de opkomst


=====
AJE:

At a primary school in Cite Tahrir, a suburb to the east of Tunis, hundreds of men and women were in line to vote early on Sunday. Rosalynn Carter, the former US First Lady who cofounded the Carter Centre with her husband, Jimmy Carter, said that of the dozens of elections she had monitored, Tunisia’s first step towards democracy was exceptional.

“I have to say that to me, this one is the most exciting, and everyone is so calm and peaceful,” Carter said.

The Carter Centre is an international NGO that monitors elections around the world.

Cassam Uteem, the former president of Mauritius who is co-heading the Carter Centre’s delegation to Tunisia, said that compared to most countries, where transition to democracy was gradual, Tunisians were embracing the country’s first truly democratic vote with rare enthusiasm.

“Here, its started with flying colours,” he said.

NGO'ers monitoring elections


Al Jazeera English filmpje bij stembus vandaag

Al Jazeera blog met laatste updates en mooie verhalen achter de stemmers + foto's:
http://blogs.aljazeera.net/liveblog/Tunisia-Election

[ Bericht 7% gewijzigd door Aloulou op 23-10-2011 15:00:31 ]

Nog wat foto's: http://www.nrc.nl/inbeeld(...)iezingen-in-tunesie/

quote:

Moncef Marzouki plants seeds of change in impatient Tunisia

The pace of progress is grindingly slow but a strange political experiment is beginning to bear fruit

Moncef Marzouki strode into the room that former Tunisian president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali had used for an office, and sank with distaste into the sofa under the flag. Ben Ali had Marzouki arrested and exiled for 16 years, and the human rights activist turned interim president was not going to look comfortable in this gilded cage. Besides, faux Louis XIV with blue and gold tassles?

Ben Ali's palace may lack the taste of the one Emperor Hadrian built up the hill, but it is on a lavish scale. Marzouki refuses to live here. He is still, he says, the same man who worked as a doctor in deprived suburbs of Paris for 20 years.

Time is short. The transitional coalition government has until next April to succeed, before it returns to the country for a fresh mandate. It is determined not to stay beyond its welcome. In that time, the troika comprising the Islamist Ennahda party, Marzouki's leftist Congress for the Republic and the centrist Ettakatol promises to create 800,000 jobs, turn around an economy pillaged by the departed dictator and produce a constitution that will last.

In the face of a steady barrage of strikes, withering daily fire from the media not least state-owned TV and fresh clashes on Tuesday with Salafists in Tunis, the palace's new tenant admits his is an impossible job. "I keep telling the people, you can't expect to eat the fruits of the tree. You have to plant it and wait. They say OK, we understand, but we want them now," he said.

The armoured trucks and razor wire around Tunis's souk, the seat of the protests against the old regime, have not disappeared. The plat du jour on today's menu of crises is Muammar Gaddafi's former prime minister Al-Baghdadi Ali al-Mahmoudi: the Tunisian prime minister, Hamadi Jebali, an Islamist, wants to extradite him to Libya, but the president refuses. The prime minister says we don't need your signature; the president says yes, you do.

"Issues of human rights are extremely important to me, and I am not going to sign when this guy could be submitted to torture or to the death penalty," Marzouki said. The Islamists retort: how can Tunisia ask Saudi Arabia to hand back Ben Ali and his wife when Tunisia refuses to hand over Mahmoudi to Libya?

There are other issues. "They are too liberal for me in the American sense of the word and I am too socialist for them in the French sense of the word," the president said. But after six months the three parties have become firm believers in each other. And each has started to argue the other's case. The result is that Marzouki, an exile infused with the French understanding of laïcité, or secularism, now argues that the west is reading Tunisia's Islamists all wrong.

"When people tell me that we are going back to some new Islamic dictatorship, they don't understand the fact that Islam is not the main force; the main force is democracy. We secularists did not become Islamists, the Islamists became democrats, and this is why I think the Arab spring is the triumph of democracy and not Islamism," he said.

"Islam is just trying to use democracy but in fact when you use democracy, I would not say you become a slave of it, but you become part of it. So this must be understood by the west. Even if we have elections and Ennahda prevails, it does not mean that the Islamist mood is prevailing. It means that the Islamist movement has been co-opted by democracy."

The other secularist party, Ettakatol, makes a similar point. Its spokesman, Mohamed Bennour, said: "We are in a coalition, not a union. This is the first time this has happened in Arab history. We said we would enter this coalition 10 days before the election took place and we are sticking to our word. We are not doing it for ourselves. We are doing it to build a democracy that will last."

It is a strange political experiment. Each partner has had to compromise. For Islamists it was the use of the word sharia in the preamble to the new constitution. "I thought that we would lose a lot of time discussing whether the kind of state would be secular or religious and sharia, but fortunately Ennahda was wise enough to say: OK, we are going to use secular vocabulary instead," Marzouki said. "Now we are discussing what kind of political system would it be parliamentary or presidential and I think we are reaching a kind of consensus about it, half presidential, and half parliamentary."

The good news of political dialogue in Tunis has yet to percolate to the likes of Bechir Dridi, a law graduate who has been out of work for four years. In Béja, an hour's drive from Tunis, the wheat fields are full to bursting but the bumper cropis of little use to the town's college graduates.

"The head may have changed, but the body is still the same. In a town like this the administration is packed full of Ben Ali's placemen, who parcel out the jobs to each other's children. There are no posts. You can apply as often as you want but the door is closed. If anything, it's worse than before," Dridi said.

The pace of change is grindingly slow. The ministry of justice has kicked out 82 judges for incompetence or corruption and put 100 more under investigation. No judge is being told any more which way their decision should go. But all the records and the paperwork are stuck in the old logjam. It will take time for the new broom to reach Béja.

The private sector is weak, and no one trusts firms to last, so all the jobs are in the state sector. Modest signs of success are just starting to show: growth and investment began to return in the last quarter. The price of fruit and vegetables in the markets dropped back after a year of soaring inflation, because Tunis clamped down on the contrabandcrossing the porous borders with Libya and Algeria.

Opinion polls all point to a bigger and wider coalition next April. Before then, in October, the first jobs may appear. But Tunisia's newborn democrats must still prove they can deliver.

It is a hard, crisis-strewn slog. And Ben Ali's hired hands, like his furniture, are still around. The new government is determined to ensure they do not return to prominence.

Voor diegenen die willen weten hoe het daar nu is:
vandaag op Canvas om 15.00 en 21.33: De revolutieroute, een reeks van 3 afleveringen waarin Vranckx rondtrekt in het Midden-Oosten.
Vandaag dus een aflevering waarin hij onder andere met die agente praat die die verkoper tot zelfmoord zou gedreven hebben:
http://www.canvas.be/prog(...)6a:13a96de7ae0:-5cfe

Foto's: Snuffelen in de spullen van voormalig dictator Ben Ali.