Nee hoor alles in de juiste proporties blijven zien...quote:Op woensdag 19 oktober 2005 10:29 schreef Monidique het volgende:
Ik ook niet, uiteraard weet hij alles af van deze zaak, die groter is dan Watergate of Iran-Contra, maar ik zie 'm nog niet zo snel aftreden.
Het is een onderdeel, zoals je inderdaad zegt, van dat grotere plan: het fabriceren van een aanvalsoorlog tegen Irak. Dat is inderdaad erger dat WaterGate of Iran-Contra. Daarnaast heeft het contraproductief gewerkt in de strijd tegen terreur en massavernietigingswapens en heeft men mensenlevens geriskeerd. Deze zaak ís erger.quote:Op maandag 24 oktober 2005 23:36 schreef Drugshond het volgende:
[..]
En hier gaat het slechts om het loslippig gedrag van een aantal diecte staf medewerkers (als onderdeel van een groter plan). Met of zonder die CIA agente was die oorlog in Irak er toch gekomen.
Ach... het inzetten van 'Agent Orange' ten tijde van Vietnam (wat in feite puur dioxine was) was ook erg gevaarlijk voor die mensen die het gebruikten/toepasten. Over bewust mensen in gevaar brengen gesproken. En wie hoor je daar nog over ?!?..... het is inmiddels is dat een voetnoot geworden van de oorlog tegen N-Vietnam.quote:Op dinsdag 25 oktober 2005 23:51 schreef Monidique het volgende:
Het is een onderdeel, zoals je inderdaad zegt, van dat grotere plan: het fabriceren van een aanvalsoorlog tegen Irak. Dat is inderdaad erger dat WaterGate of Iran-Contra. Daarnaast heeft het contraproductief gewerkt in de strijd tegen terreur en massavernietigingswapens en heeft men mensenlevens geriskeerd. Deze zaak ís erger.
hear hear of gewoon over de atoom proeven een decennia ervoor met eigen troepen in de loopgraven om te kijken wat er zou gebeuren.quote:Op woensdag 26 oktober 2005 00:25 schreef Drugshond het volgende:
[..]
Ach... het inzetten van 'Agent Orange' ten tijde van Vietnam (wat in feite puur dioxine was) was ook erg gevaarlijk voor die mensen die het gebruikten/toepasten. Over bewust mensen in gevaar brengen gesproken. En wie hoor je daar nog over ?!?..... het is inmiddels is dat een voetnoot geworden van de oorlog tegen N-Vietnam.
Juist dat was beerput no : 913quote:Op woensdag 26 oktober 2005 00:35 schreef Cappy het volgende:
hear hear of gewoon over de atoom proeven een decennia ervoor met eigen troepen in de loopgraven om te kijken wat er zou gebeuren.
Als ik zo droog mag zijn : geen overwinning in korea en geen overwinning in Vietnam omdat men doorhad wat de uitslag zou kunnen zijn. Of wat wat meer zouden kunnen begrijpen de politieke "Fallout"quote:Op woensdag 26 oktober 2005 00:50 schreef Drugshond het volgende:
[..]
Juist dat was beerput no : 913![]()
Nucleaire proeven op wilsombekwamen (gehandicapten - jaren '50) is ook zo'n leuk voorbeeld.
De vraag is uiteindelijk van wat heeft het gekost en ten bate van wat ?.... en de rekening in Irak loopt nog.
Wel een overwinning tegen het communisme, omdat de wapenwedloop financieel (USSR, China) niet te volgen was. En ZO-Azie is niet onder de voet gelopen werd door het klassieke communistische gedachtengoed (domino effect, Ike Eisenhower). Heel bot gezegd, hebben ze tijd gekocht, zonder een klinkende overwinning.quote:Op woensdag 26 oktober 2005 00:55 schreef Cappy het volgende:
Als ik zo droog mag zijn : geen overwinning in korea en geen overwinning in Vietnam omdat men doorhad wat de uitslag zou kunnen zijn. Of wat wat meer zouden kunnen begrijpen de politieke "Fallout"
Geheel mee eensquote:Op woensdag 26 oktober 2005 01:05 schreef Drugshond het volgende:
[..]
Wel een overwinning tegen het communisme, omdat de wapenwedloop financieel (USSR, China) niet te volgen was. En ZO-Azie is niet onder de voet gelopen werd door het klassieke communistische gedachtengoed (domino effect, Ike Eisenhower). Heel bot gezegd, hebben ze tijd gekocht, zonder een klinkende overwinning.
Of we die gewonnen tijd (anno - 2005) goed hebben besteed is een open vraag.Omdat China weer lonkt... maar dan vanuit een andere economische strategie gezien.
Gejat van: [POL SC-744] Every 1's A Winnerquote:he allegation that Zarqawi had visited Baghdad in May 2002 with Saddam's sanction-purportedly for medical treatment-was once a centerpiece of the administration's arguments about Iraq. Secretary of State Colin Powell cited Zarqawi's alleged visit in his speech to the United Nations Security Council. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld referred obliquely to Zarqawi's purported trip as an example of "bulletproof" evidence that the administration had assembled linking Saddam's regime with Al Qaeda.
But like the uranium yellowcake claims-since determined to be fraudulent-that are at the heart of the CIA leak case, the administration's original allegations about Zarqawi's trip also seem to be melting away. An updated CIA re-examination of the issue recently concluded that Saddam's regime may not have given Zarqawi "safe haven" after all.
The CIA declined to comment on the draft report. But officials tell NEWSWEEK that Zarqawi probably did travel to the Iraqi capital in the spring of 2002 for medical treatment. And, of course, there is no question that he is in Iraq now-orchestrating many of the deadly suicide bombings and attacks on American soldiers.
But before the American-led invasion, Saddam's government may never have known he was there. The reason: he used an alias and was there under what one U.S. intelligence official calls a "false cover." No evidence has been found showing senior Iraqi officials were even aware of his presence, according to two counterterrorism analysts familiar with the classified CIA study who asked not to be identified because of the sensitivity of the matter.
Daar is dan ook niets illegaals aan.quote:Op vrijdag 28 oktober 2005 19:22 schreef Hallulama het volgende:
Bovendien zegt de scroll op CNN dat Cheney Libby vertelde over Plame's haar identiteit, en Cheney zit nog altijd op z'n stoel.
------------quote:WASHINGTON (AP) -- The lawyer for Vice President Dick Cheney's former top aide has begun to outline a possible criminal defense that is a tradition in Washington scandals: A busy official immersed in important duties cannot reasonably be expected to remember details of long-ago conversations.
Friday's indictment of I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby involves allegations that as Cheney's chief of staff he lied to FBI agents and a federal grand jury.
Libby, who resigned immediately, was operating amid "the hectic rush of issues and events at a busy time for our government," according to a statement released by his attorney, Joseph Tate.
quote:Previous defenses varied in success
The lack-of-memory defense has worked with varying degrees of success in controversies from Iran-Contra to Whitewater.
quote:What I Didn't Find in Africa
By JOSEPH C. WILSON 4th
07/06/03: (New York Times) WASHINGTON. Did the Bush administration manipulate intelligence about Saddam Hussein's weapons programs to justify an invasion of Iraq?
Based on my experience with the administration in the months leading up to the war, I have little choice but to conclude that some of the intelligence related to Iraq's nuclear weapons program was twisted to exaggerate the Iraqi threat.
For 23 years, from 1976 to 1998, I was a career foreign service officer and ambassador. In 1990, as chargé d'affaires in Baghdad, I was the last American diplomat to meet with Saddam Hussein. (I was also a forceful advocate for his removal from Kuwait.) After Iraq, I was President George H. W. Bush's ambassador to Gabon and São Tomé and Príncipe; under President Bill Clinton, I helped direct Africa policy for the National Security Council.
It was my experience in Africa that led me to play a small role in the effort to verify information about Africa's suspected link to Iraq's nonconventional weapons programs. Those news stories about that unnamed former envoy who went to Niger? That's me.
In February 2002, I was informed by officials at the Central Intelligence Agency that Vice President Dick Cheney's office had questions about a particular intelligence report. While I never saw the report, I was told that it referred to a memorandum of agreement that documented the sale of uranium yellowcake — a form of lightly processed ore — by Niger to Iraq in the late 1990's. The agency officials asked if I would travel to Niger to check out the story so they could provide a response to the vice president's office.
After consulting with the State Department's African Affairs Bureau (and through it with Barbro Owens-Kirkpatrick, the United States ambassador to Niger), I agreed to make the trip. The mission I undertook was discreet but by no means secret. While the C.I.A. paid my expenses (my time was offered pro bono), I made it abundantly clear to everyone I met that I was acting on behalf of the United States government.
In late February 2002, I arrived in Niger's capital, Niamey, where I had been a diplomat in the mid-70's and visited as a National Security Council official in the late 90's. The city was much as I remembered it. Seasonal winds had clogged the air with dust and sand. Through the haze, I could see camel caravans crossing the Niger River (over the John F. Kennedy bridge), the setting sun behind them. Most people had wrapped scarves around their faces to protect against the grit, leaving only their eyes visible.
The next morning, I met with Ambassador Owens-Kirkpatrick at the embassy. For reasons that are understandable, the embassy staff has always kept a close eye on Niger's uranium business. I was not surprised, then, when the ambassador told me that she knew about the allegations of uranium sales to Iraq — and that she felt she had already debunked them in her reports to Washington. Nevertheless, she and I agreed that my time would be best spent interviewing people who had been in government when the deal supposedly took place, which was before her arrival.
I spent the next eight days drinking sweet mint tea and meeting with dozens of people: current government officials, former government officials, people associated with the country's uranium business. It did not take long to conclude that it was highly doubtful that any such transaction had ever taken place.
Given the structure of the consortiums that operated the mines, it would be exceedingly difficult for Niger to transfer uranium to Iraq. Niger's uranium business consists of two mines, Somair and Cominak, which are run by French, Spanish, Japanese, German and Nigerian interests. If the government wanted to remove uranium from a mine, it would have to notify the consortium, which in turn is strictly monitored by the International Atomic Energy Agency. Moreover, because the two mines are closely regulated, quasi-governmental entities, selling uranium would require the approval of the minister of mines, the prime minister and probably the president. In short, there's simply too much oversight over too small an industry for a sale to have transpired.
(As for the actual memorandum, I never saw it. But news accounts have pointed out that the documents had glaring errors — they were signed, for example, by officials who were no longer in government — and were probably forged. And then there's the fact that Niger formally denied the charges.)
Before I left Niger, I briefed the ambassador on my findings, which were consistent with her own. I also shared my conclusions with members of her staff. In early March, I arrived in Washington and promptly provided a detailed briefing to the C.I.A. I later shared my conclusions with the State Department African Affairs Bureau. There was nothing secret or earth-shattering in my report, just as there was nothing secret about my trip.
Though I did not file a written report, there should be at least four documents in United States government archives confirming my mission. The documents should include the ambassador's report of my debriefing in Niamey, a separate report written by the embassy staff, a C.I.A. report summing up my trip, and a specific answer from the agency to the office of the vice president (this may have been delivered orally). While I have not seen any of these reports, I have spent enough time in government to know that this is standard operating procedure.
I thought the Niger matter was settled and went back to my life. (I did take part in the Iraq debate, arguing that a strict containment regime backed by the threat of force was preferable to an invasion.) In September 2002, however, Niger re-emerged. The British government published a "white paper" asserting that Saddam Hussein and his unconventional arms posed an immediate danger. As evidence, the report cited Iraq's attempts to purchase uranium from an African country.
Then, in January, President Bush, citing the British dossier, repeated the charges about Iraqi efforts to buy uranium from Africa.
The next day, I reminded a friend at the State Department of my trip and suggested that if the president had been referring to Niger, then his conclusion was not borne out by the facts as I understood them. He replied that perhaps the president was speaking about one of the other three African countries that produce uranium: Gabon, South Africa or Namibia. At the time, I accepted the explanation. I didn't know that in December, a month before the president's address, the State Department had published a fact sheet that mentioned the Niger case.
Those are the facts surrounding my efforts. The vice president's office asked a serious question. I was asked to help formulate the answer. I did so, and I have every confidence that the answer I provided was circulated to the appropriate officials within our government.
The question now is how that answer was or was not used by our political leadership. If my information was deemed inaccurate, I understand (though I would be very interested to know why). If, however, the information was ignored because it did not fit certain preconceptions about Iraq, then a legitimate argument can be made that we went to war under false pretenses. (It's worth remembering that in his March "Meet the Press" appearance, Mr. Cheney said that Saddam Hussein was "trying once again to produce nuclear weapons.") At a minimum, Congress, which authorized the use of military force at the president's behest, should want to know if the assertions about Iraq were warranted.
I was convinced before the war that the threat of weapons of mass destruction in the hands of Saddam Hussein required a vigorous and sustained international response to disarm him. Iraq possessed and had used chemical weapons; it had an active biological weapons program and quite possibly a nuclear research program — all of which were in violation of United Nations resolutions. Having encountered Mr. Hussein and his thugs in the run-up to the Persian Gulf war of 1991, I was only too aware of the dangers he posed.
But were these dangers the same ones the administration told us about? We have to find out. America's foreign policy depends on the sanctity of its information. For this reason, questioning the selective use of intelligence to justify the war in Iraq is neither idle sniping nor "revisionist history," as Mr. Bush has suggested. The act of war is the last option of a democracy, taken when there is a grave threat to our national security. More than 200 American soldiers have lost their lives in Iraq already. We have a duty to ensure that their sacrifice came for the right reasons.
Joseph C. Wilson 4th, United States ambassador to Gabon from 1992 to 1995, is an international business consultant
(C) Copyright New York Times
De roversbende die de Bush-Clinton dynastie omringt, begint hun vaste voet te verliezen.quote:Op zondag 30 oktober 2005 02:16 schreef Braamhaar het volgende:
Iemand in voor 'n Nederlandse samenvatting?
:-)quote:Op zondag 30 oktober 2005 02:21 schreef sooty het volgende:
[..]
De roversbende die de Bush-Clinton dynastie omringt, begint hun vaste voet te verliezen.
Dat zou jammer zijn.quote:Op zondag 30 oktober 2005 02:28 schreef Braamhaar het volgende:
Slechts de poppetjes zullen vervangen worden.
De zooi is helaas meer verrot dan je denkt.quote:Op zondag 30 oktober 2005 02:56 schreef Hallulama het volgende:
[..]
Dat zou jammer zijn.
Regime VS vernieuwen, terugtrekken uit Irak, klaar voor Iran?
( Waarom Iran het volgende doel is )
Wat denk je zelf?quote:Op zondag 30 oktober 2005 02:11 schreef francorex het volgende:
Ja deze zaak gaat steeds dieper en dieper, meer en meer details raken bekend, maar waarom toch?
Deze zaak toont duidelijk aan hoe graag de bush administratie naar Irak wou, kost wa kost, toont nogmaal aan wie de agressor is in dit conflict.
Maar goed,
Wat ik me afvraag is wie of wat zit er achter Joseph Wilson, kan me namelijk moeilijk voorstellen dat het interview in de New York Times toevallig verscheen, ik bedoel maar dit is politieke intrige op het hoogste niveau. Mr. Wilson moet toch geweten hebben wat voor gevolgen zijn acties zouden kunnen hebben, allerminst 'patriotisch' en dan moet je sterk in je schoenen staan . Zeer sterk.
En dan nog, alleen ?
Mijn vermoeden is dat Mr. Wilsen het gezicht is van een groetere groep die uit zijn op ...?
Kijk naar de Downingmemo, die word probleemloos getackeld, nochthans daar word zwart op wit aangetoond de leugens, de intentie /vooringenoomheid om ten oorlog te trekken.
Dus de vraag is wie of wat zorgt ervoor dat deze zaak niet word getackeld, hardnekkig blijft terugkomen en uiteindelijk nu het hart van de Bush regering treft?
Spannend![]()
Wat bedoel je juist met je intuitie kan antwoord geven?quote:Op zondag 30 oktober 2005 02:18 schreef Braamhaar het volgende:
[..]
Wat denk je zelf?
Zelfs je intuitie kan antwoord geven...
Tsja. Of je nu door de hond of de kat gebeten wordt...quote:Op zondag 30 oktober 2005 02:28 schreef Braamhaar het volgende:
[..]
:-)
Slechts de poppetjes zullen vervangen worden.
Bush en kornuiten zijn slechts poppetjes en daarmee vervangbaar.quote:Op zondag 30 oktober 2005 02:28 schreef francorex het volgende:
[..]
Wat bedoel je juist met je intuitie kan antwoord geven?
Ik kan geen zinnig antwoord vinden waarom nu, waarom deze zaak...
Echt niet, geen idee
Zal misschien naif zijn van mij, maar stilletjes hoopte ik toch dat de kracht van het volk zou zegevieren, de druk van het gewone volk, de druk van de vele schandalen.quote:Op zondag 30 oktober 2005 02:45 schreef Braamhaar het volgende:
[..]
Bush en kornuiten zijn slechts poppetjes en daarmee vervangbaar.
Maar ja, wie trekt er dan aan de touwtjes....
Wie dat zijn dat weet ik niet.
Wat ik wel weet is dat daar op dat niveau 'spelletjes' gespeeld worden waar de mensheid niet bij gebaat is.
Even geduld?quote:Op zondag 30 oktober 2005 03:23 schreef Hallulama het volgende:
Voor hetzelfde geld is het gewoon het recht dat zegeviert.
Nog even geduld...
Dat zou het mooiste zijn natuurlijk.quote:Op zondag 30 oktober 2005 03:23 schreef Hallulama het volgende:
Voor hetzelfde geld is het gewoon het recht dat zegeviert.
Nog even geduld...
...quote:-- -- Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, on the eve of a trip to Washington, said he repeatedly tried to persuade U.S. President George W. Bush against invading Iraq.
The Italian leader voiced his unease with the military operation to topple Saddam Hussein during a television interview to be broadcast on Monday -- the same day he meets Bush.
quote:NIGER URANIUM?
The context of Berlusconi's answers in the interview were unclear since La7 only provided small excerpts.
The Italian leader has been defending himself against accusations in Italy that the country's intelligence agency, possibly after government pressure, passed-off fake documents to Washington used to bolster claims of Iraq's nuclear ambitions.
The documents purported that Iraq was seeking to buy uranium from Niger.
His office has sent out two statements in the past week categorically denying the accusations, made by left-leaning La Repubblica newspaper. Sismi intelligence agency chief Nicolo Pollari is due to address a closed-door parliamentary panel over the matter on November 3.
Ok cool man, respectquote:Op zondag 30 oktober 2005 05:33 schreef Vampier het volgende:
Amerikanen zijn inderdaad hardwerkend... heb al in 2 jaar geen vakantie meer gehad.(zonder dollen dus)
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