POL Politiek
Discussies en diepgaande gesprekken over de politiek in de breedste zin van het woord kun je hier voeren.
https://www.jacobinmag.co(...)lls-socialist-party/quote:The Return of the Left
Mélenchon’s election campaign has galvanized the Left by doing what Hamon couldn’t — making a clean break with the political center.
by Cédric Durand & Razmig Keucheyan
Socialist candidate Benoît Hamon’s campaign is now at an impasse, because he couldn’t see that the neoliberal fox would refuse to accommodate the socialist hen. That is the opposite strategy to the one employed by Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who has taken leadership of the Left.
The elections of the past were long and rather boring. Carried forth by a liberal wind, there was a seamless exchange of office between the self-assured right and the lightweight left — these wholehearted converts to market modernization — in the eternal present of capitalism. Capitalism had been made master of a globalized space and a financialized time. Endemic unemployment, consumerist exultation, and terrorist or criminal horror made up the three dramatic extremes of a little game buzzing along, spiced up only by the candidates’ antics or the scenes made by betrayed friends.
2017 is not of that vintage. Beneath the slow trickle of twists and turns of electoral competition, a political map is taking shape, with clear dividing lines. In France, history is back. Here as elsewhere, the social tectonics of the great economic crisis of 2008 are doing their work. The routine presidential stables are recomposing at great speed. They are realigning political forces around the three options nestled within the infra-world of our political modernity. These are three irreducible colossus, destined to confrontation.
The Monsters
For the first of the three, the watchword is free and unrestrained competition, financial stability, the brotherhood of selfish calculation. It is already hegemonic in most of the sites of power, and it intends to remain so with the help of outrageously favorable media coverage and the frantic mobilization of the latest electoral marketing technologies. Its sense is the self-evidentness of the dominant discourse; its force is its repetition; and its weakness is its failure.
International and financial elites base their legitimacy on an economic prosperity that drops sufficient crumbs to mollify the harshness of a subordinate existence. Alas, with the stagnation that is now taking root, indecent inequalities are becoming more and more unbearable. Weariness develops, rancor builds up, and little by little it starves the extreme center — the political hero of our neoliberal times — of oxygen.
The second of the three is a monster that feeds on the despair and isolation caused by the first. This is the party of order and of small property, the party of resentment and lost class status. This is the camp of neoliberalism’s losers who dream of a stingy revenge on those weaker even than themselves. Nationalist, authoritarian, xenophobic, its popular anchoring becomes stronger with every inch it is conceded when it offers the necessary arrangements to the powerful. Division, oppression, and confinement are stitched into its grey mantle, abhorred by all friends of democracy.
The third is called the Left, the real left. Audacious and strong from the battles it fights, its gaze is far-reaching and embraces both suffering in the immediate and the destiny of the human race. In recent decades restricted to pestering the electorate and falling back on social and environmental struggles, today it is again a candidate for power. From southern Europe to the Anglophone countries it is pushing back — internally, or from the outside — the old social-democratic apparatuses that had passed into enemy hands, as it again picks up the banner of emancipation.
Friend or Enemy
Benoît Hamon’s victory in the Socialist primary and former Socialist prime minister Manuel Valls’s defection [calling for a vote for Emmanuel Macron] have accelerated this wide political recomposition. Certainly, the former prime minister’s disloyalty is extremely discourteous. But fundamentally, Manuel Valls is right to place ideas before process: the Left cannot be reconciled with those who bear the responsibility for the calamitous last five years, who think his sin was a lack of neoliberalism rather than its excess.
As Machiavelli wrote, it is always preferable openly to declare oneself a friend or an enemy. Jean-Luc Mélenchon has taken over the leadership of the Left because he recognized the need for this strategy. Conversely, Benoît Hamon’s campaign is at an impasse precisely because he was unable to see that the neoliberal fox would refuse to accommodate to the socialist hen.
No one can underestimate the importance, in these troubled times, of the arrival in power — in a major country like France — of a left no longer revolving around neoliberalism. That is exactly what is at stake in the possibility of Benoît Hamon rallying to Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s campaign. There are differences between their programs, but they are not insurmountable.
In particular, on the European question, Mélenchon’s articulation of a Plan A and Plan B leaves a great degree of latitude to find the right balance between the attempt to refound Europe and the determination to carry out policies of social and ecological justice. The rapprochement between the two seems inevitable: the only question is whether it will happen before or after the presidential election.
In the extreme center, the alliance of Macron, François Bayrou, and Manuel Valls takes up its place in continuity with François Hollande’s term in office and the European orthodoxy; stronger than ever, the far right is today in battle order. Carried by the ill wind blowing through our times, it has reason to believe it has a chance. In this critical moment, the Left only has one candidacy capable of bringing the future to us: the vote for Mélenchon. If this vote becomes a rallying point, then victory is within reach.
4.11.17
Cédric Durand is an economics lecturer at the University of Paris 13. Razmig Keucheyan is a sociologist at the University of Bordeaux.
Translated by David Broder.
Gelukkig is links nog sterk in Frankrijk qua potentieel, ik zie de socialist en andersglobalist Melenchon wel winnen en ik hoop het ook.
''Aquila non capit muscas.''
Melenchon keert zich tegen de kapitalistische wereldorde en op zich niet tegen (culturele) globalisering. Het verrotte, kapitalistische systeem is het grote mikpunt in de campagne.quote:
''Aquila non capit muscas.''
Die campagne van Roemer rond "de zurg" was echt lachwekkend. De SP moet gewoon radicaal naar links, Melenchon bewijst dat daar ook veel te halen valt.quote:Op donderdag 6 april 2017 14:02 schreef L3gend het volgende:
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Eerste jaren van Mitterand, hoewel Melenchon toch wat extremer is zoals 100% belasting heffen op inkomen boven 400.000 en hij tegen de EU is, terwijl Mitterand juist een van de voorvechters was van de EU.
Na de eerste jaren van Mitterand moest Mitterand zijn economisch beleid flink veranderen en liberaliseren omdat het niet werkte. Op reactie daarvan steunden toen (in die tijd machtige) communisten hem niet meer.
Melenchon bewijst wel wat een kneus Roemer was
''Aquila non capit muscas.''
Trend zet zich door in de polls, Le Pen en Macron verliezen steeds wat steun, terwjil Fillon en Melenchon doorstijgen in de polls. Worden zeer spannend laatste 10 dagen voor de eerste ronde
4 peilingen vandaag
gemiddeld
Macron 23.5%
Le Pen 23%
Fillon 20%
Melenchon 18.5%
Mogelijke tweede ronde zijn wel wat duidelijker
Macron 63%
Le Pen 37%
Fillon 57%
Le Pen 43%
Macron 68%
Fillon 32%
Macron 56%
Melenchon 44%
Melenchon 59%
Fillon 41%
Melenchon 64%
Le Pen 36%
[ Bericht 3% gewijzigd door L3gend op 13-04-2017 20:34:33 ]
4 peilingen vandaag
gemiddeld
Macron 23.5%
Le Pen 23%
Fillon 20%
Melenchon 18.5%
Mogelijke tweede ronde zijn wel wat duidelijker
Macron 63%
Le Pen 37%
Fillon 57%
Le Pen 43%
Macron 68%
Fillon 32%
Macron 56%
Melenchon 44%
Melenchon 59%
Fillon 41%
Melenchon 64%
Le Pen 36%
[ Bericht 3% gewijzigd door L3gend op 13-04-2017 20:34:33 ]
President Hollande heeft zich laten horen. In een interview heeft hij aangekondigd dat hij elke kandidaat te steunen in de tweede ronde die het eventueel moet opnemen tegen Le Pen. Verder heeft hij gezegd dat hij volgende week wel gaat stemmen (hij heeft in de linkse primaire niet gestemd, en ook Hamon niet gefeliciteerd), maar wil niet zeggen op wie. Uit alles blijkt dat hij op Macron stemt, zo zegt hij dat de beweging van Macron fris en vernieuwend vindt en dat hij Macron vorig jaar niet heeft willen verhinderen om zijn eigen beweging op te starten. En veel mensen in zijn politieke omgeving steunen Macron. Natuurlijk kan hij dat in de eerste ronde niet publiekelijk zeggen, omdat het kiss of death voor Macron zou zijn. Fillon noemt hem nu al Emmanuel Hollande.
Macron voelt de druk van FIllon en Le Pen en wil daarom toegang tot versleutelde data in het kader van terreurbestrijding. Macron wordt als een soft persoon gezien als het over veiligheid gaat en probeert hiermee laten zien dat hij hard wil optreden, maar vooral de rechtse kiezers te overtuigen
Macron voelt de druk van FIllon en Le Pen en wil daarom toegang tot versleutelde data in het kader van terreurbestrijding. Macron wordt als een soft persoon gezien als het over veiligheid gaat en probeert hiermee laten zien dat hij hard wil optreden, maar vooral de rechtse kiezers te overtuigen
Hopelijk Le Pen - Melanchon in de tweede ronde, krijgt de Franse Republiek een echte socialistische president.
''Aquila non capit muscas.''
https://mobile.twitter.co(...)s/853585895802515457quote:
[..]
Ik vind het altijd wat makkelijk om dat soort zaken af te doen als antisemitisch. Het is een beetje een 'no-true-Frenchman' die ze daar maakt. Nederland heeft het er ook nog steeds erg moeilijk mee om verantwoordelijkheid te nemen voor alles wat er in Indonesië is gebeurd onder Nederlands bewind.
Deuger & Gutmensch
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
Deuger & Gutmensch
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
De Russen steunen en de eigen economie slopen. Snap wel dat jij dat de beste optie vindt.quote:
https://mobile.twitter.com/ewaldeng/status/854216155204079616
Mee eens. Beste kandidaat
Ik ben fan van Oliver, maar ik heb hier het gevoel dat hij overdrijft. Le pen komt niet eens in de buurt van Macron volgens de polls, maar toch goed dat hij het uitlicht (en er voor waarschuwt)quote:Op dinsdag 18 april 2017 01:20 schreef Tocadisco het volgende:
Aan de andere kant van de Grote Plas heeft men het ondertussen ook opgepikt:
Don't weep for the stupid, you'll be crying all day
Hij verrijkt juist de economiequote:
[..]
De Russen steunen en de eigen economie slopen. Snap wel dat jij dat de beste optie vindt.
Deuger & Gutmensch
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
Zeer twijfelachtig. Hoe gaat hij de Franse economie weer concurrerend maken zonder serieuze hervormingen?quote:
Het woord hervorming is Davos newspeak.quote:Op dinsdag 18 april 2017 09:20 schreef 99.999 het volgende:
[..]
Zeer twijfelachtig. Hoe gaat hij de Franse economie weer concurrerend maken zonder serieuze hervormingen?
Deuger & Gutmensch
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
Maar wat gaat hij dan wel doen om de economie weer concurrrrend te maken?quote:Op dinsdag 18 april 2017 09:33 schreef Klopkoek het volgende:
[..]
Het woord hervorming is Davos newspeak.
Google is je vriend.quote:
[..]
Maar wat gaat hij dan wel doen om de economie weer concurrrrend te maken?
Bijvoorbeeld helikoptergeld voor de mensen ipv Danone.
Deuger & Gutmensch
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
Klinkt niet als erg doordacht. Dan resteert een politicus met een ongezonde bewondering voor Poetin en ondoordachte, schadelijke economische plannen...quote:
[..]
Google is je vriend.
Bijvoorbeeld helikoptergeld voor de mensen ipv Danone.
De TINA dictatuur geschapen door CETA, WTO, EU.quote:
[..]
Klinkt niet als erg doordacht. Dan resteert een politicus met een ongezonde bewondering voor Poetin en ondoordachte, schadelijke economische plannen...
Deuger & Gutmensch
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
https://www.theguardian.c(...)ential-race#commentsquote:'Populist', 'anti-German', 'far Left', 'nationalist', 'delusional', 'Putin sympathiser', nostalgic demagogue, 'bigot', anti-NATO, anti-EU, anti-refugee, 'would-be Chavez'.
This is a familiar script from Euronationalists, repeated on the dutilful EUBBC this morning, which headlined Macron's accusation that Melenchon would turn France into 'Venezuela without oil'. Readers will be familiar with these name-calling tactics against any potential critic of their EU Project, and the attempt to paganise any politics that departs from the orthodoxy of their corporatist EU.
Whether or not one agrees with the politics of Melenchon or Le Pen, it is unmistakably the case that Euronationalists, like Macron and Fillon, are dangerous advocates of an intolerant, anti-democratic, kleptocratic, regime-changing EU.
French voters need to be careful about voting for the status quo.
Dan liever Melenchon dan een Wilders die én het meest pro Rusland is in stemgedrag én in de praktijk met de VVD mee stemt. Met een Zijlstra die dezelfde racistische bagger uit kraamt.
Deuger & Gutmensch
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
Ik moest hardop lachen om "Venezuela zonder olie", die ga ik in het dagelijkse leven eens gebruiken.
Jouw goede vriend Macron is om te huilenquote:Op dinsdag 18 april 2017 10:33 schreef Kaas- het volgende:
Ik moest hardop lachen om "Venezuela zonder olie", die ga ik in het dagelijkse leven eens gebruiken.
Waar jij je probeert in te likken natuurlijkquote:wealthy, privileged individual with a background of working in the financial sector?
"Posh banker" says the same thing far more sufficiently.
Either way - its an accurate description of macron; exactly the sort of privileged, right wing liberal who the likes of natalie believe are the best people to hold power. Mainly because they come from the same background themselves - and often know them personally - see also blair and clegg.
De VDB (voorlopers D66) deed ook niets toen het fascisme aan de poort stond te rammelen. Principes voor de bühne.
Deuger & Gutmensch
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
Macron gebruikt ook de beeldspraak "Cuba without the sun."
Uhhhhhh......
Uhhhhhh......
Deuger & Gutmensch
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
Werkte in de VS ook fantastischtwitter:POLITICOEurope twitterde op vrijdag 14-04-2017 om 07:33:04 If the choice is Macron or Le Pen, many leftist supporters would rather not vote at all https://t.co/X8fh7dXdrv https://t.co/J82rvAkvqI reageer retweet
If the choice is Macron or Le Pen, many leftist supporters would rather not vote at all
Deuger & Gutmensch
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
"Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."
