Rellen na dood zwarte jongen VS #5 Met een liegende prosecutor

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Op vrijdag 13 maart 2015 01:29 schreef Hathor het volgende:

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Veelal volkomen terecht.

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Tientallen arrestaties bij nieuwe protesten Ferguson

Nieuwe protesten tegen het politiegeweld jegens zwarte inwoners hebben in het Amerikaanse Ferguson en omgeving tot vele tientallen arrestaties geleid.


In Ferguson gingen zo'n tweehonderd demonstranten maandagavond (lokale tijd) weer de straat op. Negen mensen werden gearresteerd toen ze korte tijd een weg blokkeerden.

In het nabijgelegen Saint Louis werden tijdens een demonstratie bij het gerechtsgebouw zestig mensen opgepakt. Onder hen is de prominente zwarte activist professor Cornel West van de Princeton Universiteit. De politie hield op een snelweg bij Ferguson ook nog tientallen mensen aan die het verkeer blokkeerden.

Noodtoestand

Lokale autoriteiten hadden voorafgaand aan de nieuwe demonstratie de noodtoestand afgekondigd nadat het bij eerdere rellen, zondagavond, tot een vuurgevecht was gekomen. Een achttienjarige zwarte man wordt ervan verdacht agenten te hebben beschoten. Toen agenten terugschoten raakte de verdachte zwaargewond. Hij is nog altijd in kritieke toestand.

De betogers in Ferguson zelf hadden maandagavond vlaggen bij zich, sloegen op trommels en riepen anti-politieleuzen. Ze verzamelden zich op straat vlakbij de plek waar vorig jaar de achttienjarige Michael Brown werd doodgeschoten door de blanke agent Darren Wilson.

Bron: www.volkskrant.nl

twitter:

AntonioFrench twitterde op maandag 10-08-2015 om 10:22:26 Tonight I let 4 guys run into the #HealSTL office to get away from the gunfire. While I was in the front, they stole laptops and iPads. SMH. reageer retweet

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Op dinsdag 11 augustus 2015 09:31 schreef Papierversnipperaar het volgende:

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To Improve Police-Community Relations, End the War on Drugs | James Gierach

Protests and violence have captured the attention of world media following the first anniversary of the day police Officer Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed teenager Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. Yet President Obama's Task Force on 21st Century Policing, charged with improving police-community relations and reducing crime, has largely overlooked one of the elements most essential to accomplishing this goal: the need to reform drug policy. Ending drug prohibition is essential to restoring peace in the streets, reforming our criminal justice system, and healing our communities. Until those policies change, black communities will continue to fall victim to American policing gone awry.

Law Enforcement Against Prohibition (LEAP), a nonprofit of police, judges, prosecutors, and other criminal justice professionals dedicated to ending the War on Drugs, recently submitted the following statement to the Task Force:

"The drug war created [America's] crisis in policing and destroyed public support [for policing] in some quarters.... Both police and academic leaders have offered... their ideas [to the Task Force] regarding improved community policing, better training, more accountability, civilian review boards, grand jury reform, ending police impunity for misconduct, etc. These recommendations have merit and capacity for improved policing and better community relations. However, LEAP believes that without reforming U.S. and global drug policy, no reform or set of reforms can stop the unending perversion of American values, virtues [and]... policing [practices]."

It is the time-honored mission of police to "serve and protect" communities, but that mission has been corrupted by decades of failed drug enforcement policies. Federal grants and departmental promotion policies reward drug arrests, creating a monetary and personal incentive to focus on drug offenses instead of serious crimes. Violent crime has taken a back seat to drug enforcement for too long, and has changed the way police relate to marginalized communities, who no longer see police as protectors, but as aggressors.

Meanwhile, police are playing doctor, giving people addicted to drugs an arrest record rather than the treatment options and medical attention that would allow them to improve their lives.

LEAP called upon President Obama's Task Force on 21st Century Policing because we believe in introducing a new drug policy paradigm based upon human rights, harm reduction, education, accessible medications, economic development, racial equality, respect for the law, and respect for law enforcement. We now call on all Americans concerned with the state of our justice system to contact Congress and the President to end the War on Drugs. Call upon them to jointly push for an amendment of the three United Nations Drug-Control Treaties that serve as fountainhead for the global War on Drugs. Call upon them to replace the criminalization-and-incarceration model of drug policy with a system of legalized, controlled, and regulated drug markets, treating drug abuse as a health problem and not a law enforcement issue.
Bron: www.huffingtonpost.com

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Op dinsdag 1 september 2015 20:49 schreef Papierversnipperaar het volgende:

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Police in Ferguson gave a lesson in how not to respond to protests, says report

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The police response to unrest in Ferguson, Missouri, last summer offers lessons in how not to handle mass demonstrations, according to a Justice Department report that warns such problems could happen in other places roiled by mistrust between law enforcement and the community.

The report fleshes out a draft version made public in June, creating a portrait of poor community-police relations, ineffective communication among the more than 50 law enforcement agencies that responded, police orders that infringed first amendment rights, and military-style tactics that antagonized demonstrators.

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Eric Garner and Tamir Rice among those missing from FBI record of police killings | US news | The Guardian

Killings by police that unleashed a new protest movement around the US in 2014, including those of Eric Garner, Tamir Rice and John Crawford, are missing from the federal government’s official record of homicides by officers because most departments refuse to submit data.

Related: The tracking of police violence in the US may have reached a turning point

Only 224 of 18,000 law enforcement agencies around the US reported a fatal shooting by their officers to the FBI last year, according to previously unpublished data obtained by the Guardian, which sheds new light on flaws in official systems for counting the use of deadly force by police.

The Counted, an investigation by the Guardian to report all deaths caused by police in 2015, had already logged deadly shootings by officers from 224 different law enforcement agencies by 10 April this year. Crowd-sourced counts in 2014 recorded deaths at a similar higher rate.

Stephen Fischer, a spokesman for the FBI, said exclusions were inevitable because the program remained voluntary. “We have no way of knowing how many incidents may have been omitted,” Fischer said in an email.

Amid mounting pressure on public authorities to overhaul the recording of deadly incidents involving law enforcement, an extensive review of all data on “justifiable homicides” by police collected by the FBI from police departments between 2004 and 2014 found:

The analysis of raw FBI data was carried out as the US Department of Justice announced it was trialling a new open-source system for counting homicides by law enforcement. The system’s methodology closely resembles those of The Counted and a Washington Post record of fatal police shootings.

News of the pilot program, which is being run by the department’s bureau of justice statistics, came following strident comments from both US attorney general Loretta Lynch and FBI director James Comey, who reiterated calls for better official records of homicides by police.

Comprehensive records of killings by law enforcement officers has been a demand of the Black Lives Matter movement, which has risen to prominence since the fatal police shooting in Ferguson, Missouri, of Michael Brown in August 2014. It was also among the recommendations made by Barack Obama’s White House policing taskforce, which was convened following Brown’s death, which was among those recorded in the FBI database.

While the people killed were not named in the FBI database, some could be identified by matching entries with publicly-available information on their age, sex and race, as well as those of the officer who shot them, the location of the incident, and the month it occurred.

But the death in July of Eric Garner, who was placed in a chokehold by an NYPD officer allegedly confronting Garner about selling loose cigarettes, was not included in the official federal record. The NYPD has not submitted data to the FBI since 2006. It pledged earlier this month to release more detailed data on officers’ deadly use of force from next year.

Erica Garner, Garner’s daughter, said she was “outraged but not shocked” by the omission. “It’s just another part of the cover-up and erasing of his murder from the record,” Garner said. “It says to the NYPD and the city and state of New York that my father’s life doesn’t matter.”

No other department in the state of New York had any homicides by officers recorded by the FBI during the decade except for one, by Rochester in 2006. In its annual Firearms Discharge Reports, NYPD has recorded 117 “subjects shot and killed by officers” between 2004 and 2014. Its total of 13 shooting deaths for 2006, however, exceeded the 10 reported to the FBI that year, the only 12-month period in which the department participated in the FBI’s count.

NYPD’s own counts also did not include non-shooting deaths such as Garner’s. By contrast a more comprehensive count of incidents and details of the demographics of the people involved would be “a huge help in this so-called ‘push to improve police relations with the Black community’,” said Erica Garner.

Florida keeps its own annual record of justifiable homicides by law enforcement, despite no departments in the state filing a report to the FBI in the past decade. The state data from 2013 was provided to the Guardian but did not list the departments responsible for each death, instead it recorded a single, statewide figure of 60 deaths from all departments who submitted records that year. NBC South Florida was provided with records dating back over a decade, showing the number of recorded justifiable homicides has risen from 14 in 1999 to 67 in 2012.

Departments behind some of last year’s most controversial homicides by police, including Cleveland and Beavercreek in Ohio, whose officers shot dead 12-year-old Tamir Rice and 22-year-old John Crawford respectively, also did not file reports on those incidents to the FBI.

A review of data collected over the years by the FBI showed that high-profile homicides in which officers were found to be at fault were not recorded or were logged inconsistently. Problems stem from the fact that only one of the FBI’s 32 classifications for all homicides – which are precise enough to include “child killed by babysitter” and homicides linked to gambling – makes reference to the person who carried out the homicide being a police officer. This classification, “felon killed by police”, is automatically counted as a justifiable homicide.

Apparently because the FBI offers no category for recording killings by law enforcement officers of people who were not felons, some departments have filed unjustified homicides by their officers among the general stack of murders, manslaughters and other killings between civilians.

Related: Video shows John Crawford's girlfriend aggressively questioned after Ohio police shot him dead in Walmart

A record matching the case of Yvette Smith, a 47-year-old black woman who was shot dead by Bastrop County deputy Daniel Willis in Texas when she opened the door to him, appeared among the general unjustified homicides for 2014. As a result, it was not included in the total figure for killings by police publicised by the FBI last month. The death was filed under “circumstances undetermined” and Willis was logged as a stranger to Smith rather than an officer. A prosecution of Willis on charges of murder recently ended in a mistrial.

Similarly Jonathan Ferrell, a 24-year-old former football player at Florida A&M who was shot dead by officer Randall Kerrick after knocking on a door when he crashed his car in North Carolina, appeared to be included among general homicides for 2013. But his death was categorised as “manslaughter by negligence” and Kerrick was recorded as having been known to the victim. A trial of Kerrick for voluntary manslaughter also ended in a hung jury.

Yet no record in either file – homicides by police officers and those by civilians – could be found that matched other major cases, including that of Oscar Grant, the 22-year-old black man shot dead at a transit station in Oakland, California, in January 2009. Grant’s death was dramatised in the film Fruitvale Station. Officer Johannes Mehserle, who said he meant to use a Taser, was found guilty of involuntary manslaughter but cleared of murder.

No entries appeared for Rekia Boyd, a 22-year-old woman shot dead by an off-duty Chicago police officer in March 2012, nor for Malissa Williams, 30, and Timothy Russell, 43, who died after 137 shots were fired into their car by police officers in Cleveland, Ohio in November the same year.

The FBI has also logged incorrect information for several deaths. Among these was the case of Darrien Hunt, a 22-year-old who was shot dead in September last year while running away from police in Saratoga Springs, Utah, after allegedly wielding a replica sword. Hunt was listed as the person who carried out the homicide, and a knife or blade was said to be the deadly weapon. Hunt and the officers who shot him were listed as acquaintances.

Hunt’s mother, Susan, said the confused logging of her son’s death came even after federal officials said earlier this year that the FBI and Department of Justice were carrying out their own review of the fatal shooting. “There has been so much wrong with the entire incident,” she said.

Related: Darrien Hunt's family and friends remember 'a boy in a man's body'

Fischer, the FBI spokesman, said departments had until December to submit missing or corrected data and said the information analysed by the Guardian for 2014 was “a snapshot in time” that may be updated.

A knife was also listed as the fatal weapon for a case matching the details of Chieu-di Thi Vo, a 47-year-old woman shot dead by a Greensboro, North Carolina, police officer in March last year after allegedly brandishing a knife. Vo’s demographic information was given for both the person who was killed and the officer who carried out the homicide, who was in fact a man. The FBI’s final published tally counted only one homicide by a blade, but did not state which this was.

The Counted has documented more than 900 deaths caused by encounters with law enforcement officers so far this year. The FBI count, from which basic statistics were published earlier this month, documented just 444 justifiable homicides for the whole of 2014. That total was reached by the Guardian count before the halfway point of 2015.

The FBI data showed that while the number of departments reporting killings by their officers rose 14% from 196 per year in 2009 to 224 last year, the number of homicides increased by 12% from 392 to 439 per year in the same period.

Because of the nature of the FBI program there is no way of calculating whether these increases reflect a genuine rise in the number of people killed by police over the years or simply that more agencies have decided to submit their data.

Comey said last week that it was “unacceptable” the Guardian and the Washington Post were “becoming the lead source of information about violent encounters between police and civilians”.

“You can get online today and figure out how many tickets were sold to ‘The Martian,’ which I saw this weekend ... The CDC can do the same with the flu,” Comey said. “It’s ridiculous – it’s embarrassing and ridiculous – that we can’t talk about crime in the same way, especially in the high-stakes incidents when your officers have to use force.”

Bron: www.theguardian.com

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Rel in VS om blanke agent die zwarte leerlinge bij de nek grijpt

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De autoriteiten in South Carolina hebben de FBI en Justitie gevraagd een onderzoek in te stellen naar de behandeling van een zwarte leerlinge door een blanke agent. Op twee video's is te zien hoe de agent de tiener in het klaslokaal bij de nek grijpt en haar op de grond gooit en sleept. Het incident heeft opnieuw de discussie in de VS aangewakkerd hoe zwarte Amerikanen worden behandeld door de politie.

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Tegen de agent, Ben Fields, is al twee keer een rechtszaak aangespannen omdat hij de burgerrechten van zwarte leerlingen zou hebben geschonden. In een van de rechtszaken, aangespannen door een leerling, werd Fields in 2013 ervan beschuldigd onterecht zwarte leerlingen aan te zien voor gangleden. Deze zaak loopt nog.

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Op dinsdag 27 oktober 2015 16:17 schreef Papierversnipperaar het volgende:

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Op dinsdag 27 oktober 2015 16:20 schreef Dagonet het volgende:

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Ik vind het ook opvallend hoe de andere leerlingen zitten, allemaal wegkijken want bang dat ze zelf gepakt worden.

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Op dinsdag 27 oktober 2015 16:22 schreef OMG het volgende:

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Dat was ook precies het geval, aangezien ze bang waren het volgende slachtoffer te worden. Dat meisje deed niks, behalve kauwgom kauwen, dan zou ik me ook wel inhouden om daar iets van te zeggen, voor je het weet vouwt meneer je ook om je stoel.

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Anonymous wil duizend KKK-leden ontmaskeren

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Anonymous wil de namen op 24 november publiceren, precies een jaar na onrust in Ferguson. Toen de overwegend zwarte bevolking van de stad in opstand kwam tegen de politie na de dood van Michael Brown, dreigde de KKK met geweld tegen demonstranten.

Anonymous reageerde hierop door het belangrijkste twitteraccount van de KKK over te nemen. Het was het begin van de anti-klanoperatie Operation KKK, ofwel #OpKKK, van het hackerscollectief. Anonymous maakte al eerder enkele namen bekend van KKK-leden en voerde DDoS-aanvallen uit op sites van de KKK.

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Politie Chicago opnieuw onder vuur na dodelijke schietpartij

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De nieuwste dodelijke schietpartij komt voor de politie in Chicago op een uiterst ongelegen moment. Het Amerikaanse ministerie van Justitie is juist bezig met een intern onderzoek naar de handelwijze van de politie in Chicago, nadat een blanke agent in die stad een zwarte tiener had doodgeschoten.

Onderzocht wordt onder meer of de politie met regelmaat de grondwet heeft overtreden en of het departement racistisch handelen kan worden verweten.

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Op woensdag 2 september 2015 15:36 schreef Bram_van_Loon het volgende:

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Als ze echt de relatie willen verbeteren dan moeten ze bijvoorbeeld ook eens stoppen met enkel in arme wijken mensen te arresteren en in rijke wijken alles door de vingers te zien omdat ze bang zijn de zoon van een invloedrijk iemand (rechter, burgemeester...) te arresteren en zodoende gesued te worden. Ja, dit is de prakijk in veel delen van de USA.

Why Are Texas Cops Claiming These People Are White?

LA Cops Kill Handcuffed Man Reaction

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Leaked police files contain guarantees disciplinary records will be kept secret | US news | The Guardian

Guardian analysis of dozens of contracts revealed by hackers shows more than a third allow or require destruction of civilian complaint records

Contracts between police and city authorities, leaked after hackers breached the website of the country’s biggest law enforcement union, contain guarantees that disciplinary records and complaints made against officers are kept secret or even destroyed.

A Guardian analysis of dozens of contracts obtained from the servers of the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) found that more than a third featured clauses allowing – and often mandating – the destruction of records of civilian complaints, departmental investigations, or disciplinary actions after a negotiated period of time.

The review also found that 30% of the 67 leaked police contracts, which were struck between cities and police unions, included provisions barring public access to records of past civilian complaints, departmental investigations, and disciplinary actions.

Samuel Walker, a professor in criminology at the University of Nebraska, Omaha, said there was “no justification” for the cleansing of officers’ records, which could contain details of their use of force against civilians.

“The public has a right to know,” Walker said. “If there was a controversial beating, we ought to know what action was actually taken. Was it a reprimand? A suspension?”

Walker said that while an officer’s whole personnel file should not be readily available to the public outside of court proceedings, records of disciplinary action should be.

The leaked contracts became publicly accessible last week, when hackers breached the Fraternal Order of Police’s website and put around 2.5GB worth of its files online. These provide a glimpse into the influence of police unions, which Black Lives Matter activists have accused of impeding misconduct investigations, particularly after the death of 25-year-old Freddie Gray in Baltimore, Maryland in April.

Related: Hackers post private files of America's biggest police union

The documents date back almost two decades and include agreements from unions such as the Policemen’s Benevolent Association and the International Brotherhood of Police Officers. Many contain numerous recurring clauses that slow down misconduct investigations, prevent public access to complaints and disciplinary records, and enable the destruction of complaints and disciplinary records after a negotiated period of time.

At least as recently as 2007, if an officer in Independence, Missouri, was “involved in a shooting incident”, that officer could not be interrogated for at least 12 hours nor be “treated a suspect” unless local authorities thought there was reasonable suspicion or probable cause that a crime had been committed. This protocol was mandated in the local police union’s contract in a clause specifically designed for “officer-involved shooting investigations”.

In recent years, Independence has made headlines for cases of police brutality and police shootings.

From small towns in Nebraska and New Jersey to major cities like Cincinnati, Ohio and Jacksonville, Florida, “expungement” clauses allowed for records of formal investigations and written reprimands to be “purged” after a few years or, in some cases, months.

Chuck Canterbury, the FOP president, said that such contract provisions were designed to protect the due process rights of police officers. “Disciplinary files are removed because they affect career advancement,” said Canterbury. “People make mistakes and if they learn from them, they should be removed. This is standard HR practice.”

Other deals contained provisions focused on blocking public access to records that were preserved. A 2006-2008 contract from Burlington Township, NJ, for example, required the police department’s Investigations Commander to keep formal complaints and internal investigation documents “in a locked file”, barring access to all except the department’s investigations commander and chief law
enforcement officer.

Similarly, in Ralston, Nebraska, the 2009-2012 FOP contract created a “Police Officers’ Bill of Rights”, which said: “Unless agreed to by the Officer, the City shall not divulge the reason for any disciplinary action that is not appealed to the Civil Service Commission.” The city was also bound to “make every reasonable effort”
to prevent a photograph of the officer from being released to the public or news media.

Among five other FOP contracts, where such confidentiality clauses could not be inserted because of state open records laws, several included language seemingly designed to help officers beat public records requests.

One 2009-2011 FOP contract from Hamilton County, Nebraska, initiates a mandatory five-step response to public records requests, in which the department would ascertain the identity of the person making the request, provide the officer with a summary of the would-be released information, guarantee the officer five days to object to the request, and allow the officer a departmental hearing to make the case that the release could threaten his or her personal security.

Devon M Jacob, a civil rights attorney and former police officer, said: “These are public employees, so their performance should be available to the public. There’s no reason matters of waste or wrongdoing should be kept away from the public. I disagree with this idea that unsustained complaints or investigations don’t matter.”

Speaking to the rationale for sealing off investigatory and complaint records, Canterbury, the FOP president, said: “It’s mostly the false or unsustained complaints that officers feel unduly hurt their careers. Nobody expunges guilty adjudicated use-of-forces, so if these acts are found unsustained in the first place, why should they continue to have any bearing on officers?”
In Jacksonville, Florida, however, according to a 2008-2009 FOP contract, if an officer were to receive a written reprimand with suspension or loss of pay, after a sustained formal investigation, that action would have to be purged after five years.

Often, even substantiated use-of-force allegations fail even to garner penalties as high as a reprimand with suspension. To put this in perspective, even in cases between 2010 and 2015 in which the NYPD’s office of the inspector general confirmed that officers had used unwarranted excessive force, officers were given no discipline 35.6% of the time.

According to the contracts, however, most of the investigations into police misconduct are led by officers’ supervisors or investigators within the department – a process that leaves some reform advocates skeptical. One leaked 2004-2006 contract from Worthington, Ohio, said that any city official who received a citizen complaint about a police officer must advise the complainant to go to the police department instead. “If the citizen does not wish to contact the Division of Police,” the contract said, “City staff should contact the Division of Police in a timely manner and advise a supervisor of the complaint.”

Alex Vitale, an associate professor of sociology at Brooklyn College, said such contract measures in effect undermined the possibility of robust civilian review boards for police. “You could pass a law to create a civilian oversight commission, but that law can’t supersede what’s in the contract,” said Vitale. “They just want to make clear what the process is and make sure there aren’t independent investigations. The police think ‘no one understands what we do’. It’s all part of this ‘us against the world’ mentality that dominates police thinking.”

Canterbury said the FOP rejects the idea of civilian review boards. “Departments do much better than civilian review boards because civilians have no knowledge of law enforcement or expertise on procedures,” he said. “Police departments do a very good job on internal reviews, plus we already have external review processes like local governments, prosecutors’ officers, and grand juries.”

Black Lives Matter activists argue, however, that there are too many conflicts of interest for the police to impartially investigate their own members. “Beyond the role nepotism and cronyism continues to play in the corruption of law enforcement, there is an inherent distrust of the police’s ability to keep communities safe,” said Delaine Powerful, an organizer in the Black Youth Project. “We cannot trust a system born out of slave patrols and night watches to conduct its own criminal investigations into unnecessary and unwarranted force by police.”

Ron Hampton, a former director of the National Black Police Association and a police officer in Washington DC, said: “People just don’t feel that the police can investigate themselves thoroughly or impartially.

“When we see all of this stuff on film, then it goes to the internal investigation and grand jury, etc, and then no indictment, no trial ... I don’t see how you can have trust in a process that doesn’t work for you.”

Bron: www.theguardian.com

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Anonymous hacktivists share personal info of Cincinnati cops as revenge for deadly shooting

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After releasing a threatening video, the notorious hacking group Anonymous exposed personal information of 52 Cincinnati Police Department officers in retaliation for the death of an Ohio man at the hands of law enforcement.

In the video posted on Sunday, someone wearing a mask and hood discussed the group’s anger over the Cincinnati PD’s handling of an officer-involved shooting last Wednesday that resulted in the death of Paul Gaston, a black man.

“Greetings world, we are Anonymous Anon Verdict. The following clip you are about to see are three separate cell phone clips of Cincinnati Police Department murdering a black man named Paul Gaston while he held his hands up on February 17th. With the evidence provided it is quite obvious that he was complying and had his hands in the air,” the figure said with a synthesized voice in the three-minute YouTube video.

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Vernietigend rapport over racistisch gedrag politie Chicago | NOS

Na een jaar onderzoek is er een vernietigend rapport verschenen over schendingen van burgerrechten door politiemensen in Chicago.

Het Amerikaanse ministerie van Justitie concludeert dat het politiekorps jarenlang de burgerrechten heeft geschonden en racisme tegen zwarten heeft toegestaan. Ook heeft de politie buitensporig geweld gebruikt en mensen doodgeschoten die geen bedreiging vormden. Agenten bewerkten mensen met stroomstootwapens, alleen omdat ze niet deden wat de politie zei.

Dieptepunt was het doodschieten van een zwarte tiener in 2014 die een mes bij zich zou hebben gehad dat hij weigerde weg te gooien. Een blanke agent schoot zestien keer op de tiener. De zaak leidde tot protesten en het vertrek van de politiechef van Chicago. De agent zelf wordt vervolgd wegens moord.

Volgens de hoofdonderzoeker is dit gedrag grotendeels te wijten aan een tekortschietende, verouderde opleiding.

Burgemeester Emanuel van Chicago zegt dat de conclusies van het rapport ontnuchterend zijn, en dat de gemeente doorgaat met de politiehervormingen die al in gang zijn gezet.

Het departement heeft samen met de gemeente Chicago een verklaring getekend waarin Chicago politiehervormingen belooft. Er wordt meer transparantie beloofd, een betere training van politiemensen en straf voor agenten die in de fout gaan.

Afgelopen zomer zette de stad 300 video's van incidenten online, om het vertrouwen van de bevolking terug te winnen.

Het ministerie van Justitie begon een jaar geleden met een inventarisatie van politiegeweld in de op twee na grootste stad van de VS. Eerder werd al federaal onderzoek gedaan naar gevallen van politiegeweld in andere steden. Zo concludeerde het ministerie dat de politie van Ferguson stelselmatig discrimineerde.

Bron: nos.nl

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Op zondag 27 december 2015 13:46 schreef idefixide het volgende:

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Precies. Daarom zitten er zo veel zwarten in de gevangenis voor wietgebruik terwijl blanken net zo vaak gebruiken. Dan hebben we het niet eens over de gemanipuleerde criminaliteitscijfers. De pakkans is veel groter bij niet-blanke criminelen. Waarom? Omdat ze veel vaker gecontroleerd worden. Je mag niet aan racial profiling doen dus verzint men een list. De donkere mensen die gecontroleerd worden die niets hebben gedaan noemen we "blank" in de papieren zodat we kunnen zeggen dat we vaak genoeg blanke mensen controleren. De niet-blanke "criminelen" die ergens op gepakt kan worden die gaan natuurlijk wel als "niet-blank" in de boeken. De statistieken laten vervolgens zien dat niet-blanken vele malen crimineler zijn.

Why Are Texas Cops Claiming These People Are White?

Het zit in de cultuur. Zowel bij de politieagenten als de niet-blanke bevolking. Dat is nog het ergste dat iemand die niet-blank is zich aanpast aan de politiecultuur en dingen niet doet die een blanke zonder probleem kan doen. Een zwarte man die rent is al verdacht. Je hebt zelfs zwarte mannen die binnen blijven omdat ze uit ervaring weten dat er mogelijk agenten zijn die het gemunt hebben op hen.

LA Cops Kill Handcuffed Man Reaction

How economic inequality harms societies - Richard Wilkinson

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Op zaterdag 14 januari 2017 15:04 schreef Bram_van_Loon het volgende:

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Wat jij beweert klopt maar het is natuurlijk verre van het volledige verhaal. Alleen al het feit dat er een sterke bevolkingssegretatie is over de wijken terwijl in de ene wijk de politie standaard mensen staande houdt en fouilleert en in de andere wijk de politie-agenten vriendelijke praatjes houden en vragen wat ze voor die mensen kunnen doen zorgt ervoor dat de doorsnee 'neger' een veel grotere kans heeft om betrapt te worden op iets dan de doorsnee kakker. Raciale profielering is daar ook een groot probleem, net als hier in Nederland (hoezeer politie-agenten het ook ontkennen, het is allang bewezen dat dit veel gebeurt, het gebeurt trouwens ook in winkels en supermarkten), en niet volledig uit te bannen maar dat is slechts een van de redenen dat de pakkans voor de ene groep mensen veel groter is dan voor de andere groep mensen. Daarnaast is het ook wel duidelijk dat de politie-agenten zich anders gedragen naar mensen toe in functie van hun huidskleur en hoe ze gekleed zijn. Dat duidt zonder enige twijfel op gebrekkige training.

Zit het in de cultuur? Ja. Bij ons ook (denk jij dat in Nederland een blank iemand die een Italiaans maatpak draagt net zo snel staande wordt gehouden als een 'neger' als beide mensen in dezelfde auto rijden?) maar daar nog veel sterker. Echter wordt dit enorm versterkt doordat ze extreem grote verschillen tussen arm en rijk hebben en doordat ze enorm sterke segregatie hebben op elk denkbaar vlak. Dat begint al met dat de wijk bepaalt of dat je naar een goede of een slechte school gaat. Ik twijfel er niet aan dat deze sterke segregatie en grote kloof tussen arm en rijk enorm sterk die cultuur van raciale profielering versterken. Waarom? Je komt vooral in aanraking met mensen die in dezelfde kaste zitten. De oplossing wordt hier dan ook gegeven.

How economic inequality harms societies - Richard Wilkinson

Dat verklaart waarom we in landen die minder economische ongelijkheid hebben minder van dit soort problemen hebben en omgekeerd.
Minder, want ook hier werd een neger vermoord door Hollandse politie-agenten die hem deden stikken. Ook hier komt het veel voor dat handboeien door onkundig gebruikt letsel veroorzaken. Ook hier raken mensen geïnvalideerd doordat slecht getrainde politie-agenten illegaal een nekklem gebruiken (en dit ongestraft!) of doordat ze als cowboys schieten met hun Duitse pistool wanneer het niet nodig is. Merk op dat Nederland een van de weinige landen is waarin poliitie-agenten mogen schieten met vuurwapen zonder dat er sprake is van concreet en direct gevaar en dat dit waarschijnlijk verklaart waarom hier per jaar meer mensen het slachtoffer worden van politiekogels - ook onschuldige mensen! - dan in de meeste andere Europese landen. Het is belangrijk dat we bij dit soort discussies ook kritisch zijn richting onze eigen politie. De politie daar (USA) functioneert zo verschrikkelijk slecht dat mensen al snel denken dat die van ons goed functioneert, helaas is dat niet zo. Dit verkeerde beeld moet worden voorkomen, met name door journalisten.

quote:

Op zaterdag 14 januari 2017 15:04 schreef Bram_van_Loon het volgende:

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Wat jij beweert klopt maar het is natuurlijk verre van het volledige verhaal. Alleen al het feit dat er een sterke bevolkingssegretatie is over de wijken terwijl in de ene wijk de politie standaard mensen staande houdt en fouilleert en in de andere wijk de politie-agenten vriendelijke praatjes houden en vragen wat ze voor die mensen kunnen doen zorgt ervoor dat de doorsnee 'neger' een veel grotere kans heeft om betrapt te worden op iets dan de doorsnee kakker. Raciale profielering is daar ook een groot probleem, net als hier in Nederland (hoezeer politie-agenten het ook ontkennen, het is allang bewezen dat dit veel gebeurt, het gebeurt trouwens ook in winkels en supermarkten), en niet volledig uit te bannen maar dat is slechts een van de redenen dat de pakkans voor de ene groep mensen veel groter is dan voor de andere groep mensen. Daarnaast is het ook wel duidelijk dat de politie-agenten zich anders gedragen naar mensen toe in functie van hun huidskleur en hoe ze gekleed zijn. Dat duidt zonder enige twijfel op gebrekkige training.

Zit het in de cultuur? Ja. Bij ons ook (denk jij dat in Nederland een blank iemand die een Italiaans maatpak draagt net zo snel staande wordt gehouden als een 'neger' als beide mensen in dezelfde auto rijden?) maar daar nog veel sterker. Echter wordt dit enorm versterkt doordat ze extreem grote verschillen tussen arm en rijk hebben en doordat ze enorm sterke segregatie hebben op elk denkbaar vlak. Dat begint al met dat de wijk bepaalt of dat je naar een goede of een slechte school gaat. Ik twijfel er niet aan dat deze sterke segregatie en grote kloof tussen arm en rijk enorm sterk die cultuur van raciale profielering versterken. Waarom? Je komt vooral in aanraking met mensen die in dezelfde kaste zitten. De oplossing wordt hier dan ook gegeven.

How economic inequality harms societies - Richard Wilkinson

Dat verklaart waarom we in landen die minder economische ongelijkheid hebben minder van dit soort problemen hebben en omgekeerd.
Minder, want ook hier werd een neger vermoord door Hollandse politie-agenten die hem deden stikken. Ook hier komt het veel voor dat handboeien door onkundig gebruikt letsel veroorzaken. Ook hier raken mensen geïnvalideerd doordat slecht getrainde politie-agenten illegaal een nekklem gebruiken (en dit ongestraft!) of doordat ze als cowboys schieten met hun Duitse pistool wanneer het niet nodig is. Merk op dat Nederland een van de weinige landen is waarin poliitie-agenten mogen schieten met vuurwapen zonder dat er sprake is van concreet en direct gevaar en dat dit waarschijnlijk verklaart waarom hier per jaar meer mensen het slachtoffer worden van politiekogels - ook onschuldige mensen! - dan in de meeste andere Europese landen. Het is belangrijk dat we bij dit soort discussies ook kritisch zijn richting onze eigen politie. De politie daar (USA) functioneert zo verschrikkelijk slecht dat mensen al snel denken dat die van ons goed functioneert, helaas is dat niet zo. Dit verkeerde beeld moet worden voorkomen, met name door journalisten.