[Centraal] Irak na de oorlog #53 lang leve het verzet

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:15 schreef zaid het volgende:

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dat maakt het niet anders. noord-irak is gewoon onderdeel van irak, net als groningen van nederland.

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:02 schreef Tukker87 het volgende:

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Toch jammer dat je het op die manier ziet.

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:16 schreef PizzaMizza het volgende:

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Bron?

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:21 schreef Zaibatsu01 het volgende:

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Safeen Diyazee, KRG minister van buitenlandse zaken en educatie, Reuters.

"The 17 percent was just an estimate that was used. But even now we don't receive that. This year we were getting only about 10.5 percent of the total Iraqi budget."

Aardig van Baghdad om alsnog een budget te geven terwijl ze illegaal bezig zijn.

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:23 schreef PizzaMizza het volgende:

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Dat bericht gaat over wat ze hebben gekregen, niet wat ze gaan krijgen. We were getting...

Ze hebben nooit die 17% gekregen, ze kregen maar 10% al die tijd.

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:25 schreef Zaibatsu01 het volgende:

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Je hebt geen idee waar je het over hebt. Of denk je dat ze elk maand een bedrag krijgen?

Net kregen ze 0 volgens jou

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:23 schreef PizzaMizza het volgende:

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Dat bericht gaat over wat ze hebben gekregen, niet wat ze gaan krijgen. We were getting...

Ze hebben nooit die 17% gekregen, ze kregen maar 10% al die tijd.

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:26 schreef Zaibatsu01 het volgende:

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Net zoals de provincie Basra die minder krijgt, de province Anbar en meerdere. De Koerden hebben daarin geen exclusiviteit.

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:28 schreef PizzaMizza het volgende:

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[]"When we arrived in Baghdad (in March) we assumed that Iraq was experiencing a financial crisis as a whole. But then we learned there that Iraq's economy was fine, and that the only place affected by the funding cut was the Kurdistan Region," Barzani said. He added that wages were cut on the direct orders of Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.
[]Officially, Baghdad is supposed to give Kurdistan 17 percent of the national budget after sovereign expenses, flown in cash from the central bank to Erbil three times a month. But how much is actually paid is disputed. The premier said his government has received only 10 percent in the past. Barzani also said that Iraq owes nearly $5 billion to the Kurdistan Region in delayed funding.

http://rudaw.net/english/kurdistan/29052014

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:30 schreef Zaibatsu01 het volgende:

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[]Officially, Baghdad is supposed to give Kurdistan 17 percent of the national budget after sovereign expenses, flown in cash from the central bank to Erbil three times a month. But how much is actually paid is disputed. The premier said his government has received only 10 percent in the past. Barzani also said that Iraq owes nearly $5 billion to the Kurdistan Region in delayed funding.

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:31 schreef michaelmoore het volgende:
ruimt wel lekker op als er wat naar Irak vertrekken

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:39 schreef Stimorol- het volgende:

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Doe normaal

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 18:08 schreef michaelmoore het volgende:

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om nog maar niet te spreken over vrouwen misbruik en onderdrukking

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:41 schreef Stimorol- het volgende:

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Ja. Mn vader misbruikt mij elke dag. Help.

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 16:42 schreef Senor__Chang het volgende:
Mooi hoe Aloulou simpel en effectief de hypocrisie aantoont van de moslimextremisten hier.

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 17:59 schreef IPA35 het volgende:
ISIS wil alle kerken in Nineveh slopen...

Gaan ze nu weer Assyriërs lastigvallen .

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:09 schreef PizzaMizza het volgende:

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De Iraakse regering heeft al een aantal maanden 't geld naar Koerdistan gestopt.

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 19:23 schreef Hiper het volgende:
Tijd voor humor.

[ afbeelding ]

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Verenigde Naties halen medewerkers weg uit Irak

De Verenigde Naties halen 58 medewerkers weg uit Bagdad.

Dit heeft een woordvoerder van de volkerenorganisatie maandag laten weten.

De VN-mensen worden overgebracht naar het relatief veilige Jordanië. Mogelijk worden de komende dagen nog meer VN-medewerkers weggehaald uit Irak.

"Zo'n 58 medewerkers zijn van Bagdad naar Amman in Jordanië verplaatst. Het is de bedoeling om ze over te plaatsen naar Erbil, in Irak. De komende dagen kunnen nog meer mensen weggehaald worden", aldus de woordvoerder.

Vóór de overplaatsing had de VN "minder dan tweehonderd internationale niet-essentiële en essentiële personeelsleden in Bagdad en de omgeving" voor de politieke missie in Irak gestationeerd.

ISIS
Volgens de Hoge Commissaris van de VN voor de Mensenrechten, Navi Pillay, hebben mannen die verbonden zijn aan de Islamitische Staat in Irak en al-Sham (ISIS), zich vrijwel zeker schuldig gemaakt aan oorlogsmisdaden in het land.

De afgelopen vijf dagen zijn honderden mensen in koelen bloede geëxecuteerd. De slachtoffers zijn militairen en agenten die zich hadden overgegeven of die gevangen waren genomen. De systematische executies waren vooral in de buurt van Tikrit, aldus de Zuid-Afrikaanse juriste Pillay. Volgens haar zijn de berichten over de massaexecuties "onderbouwd".

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The Future of ISIS and the Sectarian Response: ISIS has Picked a Fight it Cannot Win
Posted by Joshua on Sunday, June 15th, 2014

The Future of ISIS in Iraq and the Sectarian Response – by Joshua Landis

A Washington policy analyst asked me what chances I gave to the possibility that Prime Minister Maliki will try to divide Sunnis and isolate ISIS by teaming up with moderate Sunnis. He raised the possibility of Maliki creating a government of national unity with greater power sharing.

My answer:

1. I doubt ISIS will get a foothold in Baghdad. Already, Shiite mobilization in the face of the ISIS advances are fierce and panicky. I think Shiite religious mobilization now taking place in Iraq will mean very bad things for Sunnis in general. ISIS has picked a fight it can’t win and unleashed the inner Shi’a in their adversary. And it’s not as though Maliki, like Assad, lacks powerful friends with a serious stake in the outcome of the battle.

Rather than Maliki teaming up with “moderate” Sunnis, such as the US did in arming the tribes and cultivating the Sahwa, Iraq’s Prime Minister is likely to respond by using religion as his prime mobilizer. Of course, he will not abandon “Iraq” or nationalism, just as Assad has not. But just as Sistani has used the sanctity of Shiite shrines as his primary “national” motivator, Maliki is likely to follow suit. He will largely define the nation in sectarian terms. That is what ISIS has done, as well. Sunnis have scared the pants off of Shiites. The photos of mass shootings of Shiite young men dooms a non-sectarian response, I would imagine. What is more, the gathering storm of sectarian mobilization has already reached furious levels in the entire region. The demonization of Shiites as “rejectors” and “Majous” or pagans who are considered both non-Muslim and non-Arab, has spread to such an extent that it has taken on a life of its own. The counter demonization of Sunnis, within the Shiite world, as terrorists, takfiris, and Wahhabi inspired agents is well entrenched.

2. I would not be shocked to see significant ethnic cleansing of Sunni neighborhoods in Baghdad should ISIS attack and give the Iraqi Army a run for its money. After all, the Iraqi army is large, has helicopters, sophisticated intelligence capabilities, tanks, artillery and all the rest. They were caught napping and without esprit de corps, much as the Syrian army was. But capable officers will emerge who will strip down the “power-sharing” fat that the US built and rebuild it based on loyalty to Maliki and Shiism, if most of that has not been done already. This is what happened in Syria, when we saw the Syrian Army unravel at the base during the first year of the Sunni uprising. The Syrian military was quickly rebuilt along sectarian and regional lines to make it much stronger and more loyal, with locally recruited Iranian style National Defense Forces modeled on the Islamic Guard. If Sunnis choose to form such local militias and ally with the Shiite regime, so much the better. If they do not and choose to lay low until they figure out whether ISIS can win in their regions, the Shiites will go it alone and assume all Sunnis are a fifth column. That is how the Turks dealt with the Christians during WWI and the war with the Greeks. The 20% Christians in Anatolia of 1914 were cleansed. Jews in Palestine dealt with Muslims in a manner not altogether dissimilar. It didn’t turn out well for Christians in Anatolia or Muslims in Palestine.

3. We are not witnessing power-sharing or the emergence of a particularly destructive brand of religious nationalism in the region. We are witnessing the breakdown of the territorial nationalism that was implied by the borders drawn by Europeans at the end of WWI. The new nationalism, largely defined by religious affiliation, is apparent in Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq. Palestine is a bit of an exception with the new coalition government, but not much of one.

My advice to Obama would be to lay low. This sectarian-nationalist process has been boiling up for a more than a century. It should be seen as part of the breakdown of the Ottoman order and emergence of nationalism. I compare what is going on in the Levant today to Central Europe during WWII. In Central Europe, the great powers drew national borders after WWI, carving up the lands of the defeated empires without rearranging the peoples to fit them. Thus Poland was only 64% Polish before WWII. Czechoslovakia was made up of close to 25% minorities. WWII was the “great sorting out.” (Read: http://qifanabki.com/2013/12/18/landis-ethnicity/ ) Over the war years, the peoples of central Europe were rearranged according to the WWI borders. By the end of WWII, Poland and Czechoslovakia had been reduced to their core Polish and Czechoslovak peoples. They got rid of their unwanted (Jews) or guilty (think the 12 million Germans of central Europe) minorities, along with many others. It was a nasty and brutal nation-building process.

Of course, in the Middle East, the emergence of national identities is bedeviled by competing religious identities, which seem to be stronger than both “Arabism” or “Iraqism.”

I doubt we will see high degrees of Shiite-Sunni cooperation in the coming months. If the U.S. sticks its long oar into this mess, the U.S. will end up with a broken oar. It seems possible that within the next two years, ISIS will largely be destroyed by the concerted action of both Iraqi and Syrian forces with help from Iran and possibly the U.S. Sunni Arabs will not be pacified so long as they receive scant justice and minimal political representation in both Syria and Iraq, but ISIS cannot represent their needs. It is an expression of sectarianism run amok.

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How did 800 ISIS fighters rout 2 Iraqi divisions?
The extremist group seizing vast swaths of Iraq this week is most likely fielding a small force of less than 1,000 fighters equipped with little more than small-arms weaponry and soft-shelled pickup trucks.

But the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, apparently has routed an estimated 30,000 Iraqi Army soldiers who were trained by the U.S. military and given billions in sophisticated American military equipment.

The stunning outcome reflects widespread desertions among the Iraqi units in the north as well as the Sunni-Shiite sectarian tensions that underlie the military battles, experts say.

“It’s a relativity small force that managed to take the city [of Mosul], and it’s shocking that they were able to do that,” said Charlie Cooper, who studies Islamic extremism for the Quilliam Foundation in London.

“To me, that suggests there is collusion or at least deliberate capitulation on the part of Sunni tribes in western and northern Iraq,” Cooper said. “It’s likely that this happened because Sunni tribes in the area let it happen.”

Experts say ISIS totals no more than 10,000 fighters throughout Iraq and Syria, while the force that specifically seized the city of Mosul this week probably totaled about 800 fighters. That force overpowered two Iraqi Army divisions totaling about 30,000 troops.

“Clearly, the Iraqi forces in the north lack cohesion and a will to fight,” said Jeff White, a former intelligence analyst with the Defense Intelligence Agency who is now a defense expert with the Washington Institute think tank.

In terms of weaponry, ISIS has small arms and civilian-style pickup trucks with mounted crew-served weapons, mainly heavy machine guns such as Russian-made Dushkas, and also a limited supply of 23mm anti-aircraft weapons that they are using for direct fire, White said.

On the other side, the Iraqi army is awash in about $15 billion in U.S. gear transferred since 2005, including IA-407 helicopters, M-1 Abrams tanks, C-130 fixed-wing aircraft and 300 hellfire missiles, Pentagon officials say.

While the ISIS force has limited manpower, it may be joining up with other elements of the Iraqi insurgency that U.S. troops fought for years, such as the more sectarian Sunnis who once controlled the Iraqi Army under Saddam Hussein’s Ba’ath Party.

“Were hearing a lot about former Ba’athists coming out of the woodwork and working with [ISIS], and that could give them a lot more capability,” White said.

Until now, virtually all the territory seized by ISIS — portions of Anbar province in the west and the city of Mosul in the north — have a population majority that is Sunni Arab. Reports suggest ISIS fighters are moving south toward Baghdad, which has a large Shiite population.

“The Iraqi army units in the Baghdad area are presumably better trained, more reliable, more cohesive. One question is: Is that true? Does the government actually have Army elements it can rely on?” White said.

“On the ISIS side, the question is going to become one of force-to-space: Can they really keep pushing with a snowball effect? Or at some point are they going to actually come up against an effective force that brings this offensive to a halt?” White said.

One former senior U.S. commander in Iraq who spoke on condition of anonymity agreed that an important underlying problem stems from the current Shiite-led Iraqi government’s poor treatment of its Sunni minority in the north and west.

“It appears that three and a half years of highly sectarian and increasingly authoritarian actions undid the important reconciliation component of the strategy during the Surge and beyond, leaving Sunni Arabs once again feeling marginalized by the Shia-led government in Baghdad,” the former senior commander told Military Times.

That discontent, he said, has intensified inside the Iraqi military command as the Iraqi civilian government has replaced some Sunni military leaders with Shiites, undermining “the effectiveness and cohesion of the Iraqi army,” the former commander said.

The seizure of Mosul this week, along with parts of Anbar province several months ago, reflects in part a course change in the so-called “Awakening” movement, which the U.S. military fostered in 2006 and 2007, when local Sunni tribes in Anbar turned against the extremists in their midst and allied with the U.S. military.

“It’s as if this is a reversal of the [Awakening],” Cooper said.

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 21:37 schreef IPA35 het volgende:
Zijn er echt geen 800. Idiote leugen van Salafisten. Het zijn er vele duizenden.

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Op maandag 16 juni 2014 21:42 schreef Pharmacist het volgende:
800 lijkt me weinig ja. Ik denk sowieso dat ze hulp van "binnenuit" hebben gekregen. Ik denk dat ISIS flink populair is; zoals ik eerder al zei, zelfs op Fok. Het enthousiastme voor ISIS kan onder onderdrukte Soenni's alleen maar meer zijn.