[Centraal] Irak na de oorlog - deel 39

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Op zondag 5 januari 2014 17:48 schreef Peunage het volgende:
Ik zal beide quoten in het Palestina/Israël topic, lijkt me daar beter passen.

twitter:

AlArabiya_Eng twitterde op zondag 05-01-2014 om 12:30:50 #Iraq prepares for a 'major attack' on #Fallujah http://t.co/ZdSybuMjbT reageer retweet

Iraq government loses control of Fallujah

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Op maandag 6 januari 2014 14:40 schreef expans het volgende:
Deze operatie is imo de ultieme kans voor Irak om hun kracht te laten zien, ook richting Noord-Irak.

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Op maandag 6 januari 2014 14:56 schreef Zaibatsu01 het volgende:

[..]

Met kracht tonen kom je niet ver. Je wil natuurlijk ook de bevolking tevreden houden.

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Felle gevechten om Fallujah

<sub>dinsdag 7 jan 2014, 15:53 (Update: 07-01-14, 16:08)


Iraakse militairen bij een checkpoint</sub>

Bij Fallujah in het westen van Irak zijn felle gevechten aan de gang tussen het leger en militanten die de stad in handen hebben. De gevechten begonnen gisteren, kort nadat bij bomaanslagen in andere delen van Irak weer verscheidene doden waren gevallen.

Vorige week werden in de provincie Anbar de steden Fallujah en Ramadi ingenomen door strijders van Isis. Die militante beweging, die banden heeft met al-Qaida, wil een islamitische staat vestigen in de regio.

De gevechten in het westen van Irak worden de felste van de laatste jaren genoemd, al zijn er geen slachtofferaantallen bekend. Het Iraakse leger kondigde eerder deze week de herovering van de steden aan.

Soennieten
De directe aanleiding tot de strijd om Fallujah en Ramadi was de arrestatie van een soennitische politicus die beschuldigd werd van terrorisme. Korte tijd later werd een protestkamp van al-Qaidagezinde soennieten in Ramadi opgebroken door het leger. Het leger trok zich daarna terug, waarna Isis de steden makkelijk kon innemen. Onder Saddam Hussein hadden de soennieten het voor het zeggen in Irak, maar nu voelen ze zich achtergesteld.

De Amerikaanse regering steunt het leger van Irak in de strijd met extra wapenleveranties en met drones. Washington sluit uit dat er opnieuw troepen naar Irak worden gestuurd.

Na de invasie in Irak kwamen de meeste Amerikaanse militairen om in de provincie Anbar.

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22 Dead in Attack on Iraq Military Complex

At least 22 people died and 25 others were wounded Thursday in a suicide attack on a military complex in downtown Baghdad, an Iraqi military spokesman said.

The attack did not involve a car bomb, as police has said earlier, but rather was the work of a man who detonated the explosive belt he was wearing, Saad Maen said in a statement.

The blast occurred in front of an army recruitment center near the Al Muthana airport.

Security forces cordoned off the blast site and blocked traffic on adjacent streets.

It is not yet known which group staged the attack, but authorities are working with the hypothesis that the bomber was a member of the Al Qaeda-linked Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant.

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Inflection Point

Douglas A. Ollivant

To win back Fallujah, Nouri al-Maliki doesn't need to negotiate -- he needs to fight

With the fog of war not yet lifted, the news out of Iraq's Anbar province remains ambiguous. What little we can see, however, does not look good. Al Qaeda in Iraq -- along with significant elements of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) -- has been able to take over government buildings in Ramadi, Fallujah, and Karmah. In response, government forces have amassed outside these cities and are preparing for an operation that could reverberate in Iraq's nascent democracy long into the future.
The current crisis did not arise overnight. The tensions in Anbar -- and other Sunni-dominated areas -- have been building for some time. Some blame the situation on Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and his Shiite-dominated national unity government, but this confuses cause and effect.
The fundamental problem is that significant numbers of Anbaris have not yet reconciled themselves to the loss of power -- and the privileges that came with it -- after the fall of Saddam Hussein. This has spawned two results: demonstrations to express demands that are politically impossible outside an authoritarian system and a return to the violence that al Qaeda has been trying for years to precipitate.
These next weeks will give the people of Anbar an opportunity. They can demonstrate that -- whatever they may think of the central government -- they reject violence, terrorism, and the nihilistic Islamism of al Qaeda and its affiliates. (Anbar's governor, Ahmed Khalaf al-Dulaimi, has taken this route, calling for the return of the Iraqi Army to push out ISIS.) Or they can reinforce the narrative that some of their fellow nationalists are pushing: That whenever the Sunnis don't get their way politically, they will resort to the kind of violence and terrorism that killed over 8,000 Iraqis in 2013, most of them Arab Shiites. Anbar's much-discussed tribes are currently on both sides of this equation, with some clearly aligned with Baghdad, others fighting alongside al Qaeda and ISIS, and still others trying to maintain distance from both or to al Qaeda on their own.
The Sunni protests in Anbar and elsewhere -- the disbanding of which seems to have triggered this latest episode -- are often romanticized in the West, with otherwise responsible analysts calling on the prime minister to meet Sunni demands. If only it were that simple. As Iraq analyst Kirk Sowell has noted, the moderate camp of Iraqi Sunnis is calling for a complete end to de-Baathification (a demand that no democratic leader could ever agree to), discussing Arab Sunnis as the demographic majority in Iraq (there is no reliable census, but estimates of the Sunni proportion range from 15 to 25 percent), and demanding proportional representation in the security services based on their "majority" status, all while waving Baathist flags and referring to Arab Shiites as "Persians." To quote Sowell, "And that's the moderate camp."
The hard-liners demand the complete overthrow of the government and the release of all prisoners, including convinced al Qaeda terrorists.
So when analysts (or U.S. senators) suggest that Maliki meet the protesters' demands, what are they really saying? Do they mean he should take extraconstitutional measures to bring about preferred policies such as limiting de-Baathification or regularizing how oil is produced and its revenues distributed -- two legislative initiatives that Iraq's lawfully elected parliament failed to approve? Although he is often described as a dictator, the prime minister could not get through the Iraqi parliament a package he negotiated with Deputy Prime Minister Saleh al-Mutlaq (a Sunni Anbari) that limited the de-Baathification order and otherwise moderated laws hostile to former regime interests. These reforms were opposed by other Shiite parties (lost in the criticism of Maliki is that he leads the Shiite party that is least hostile to the former regime), and Mutlaq's political opponents sought to prevent him from taking credit for a political settlement. As a result, the reforms went nowhere.
This is not to say that Maliki and his government are blameless. There are no doubt actions the prime minister has taken that he wishes he could take back. Politicians make mistakes and miscalculate. But the fact remains that a terrorist force is blowing up thousands of Iraqi citizens. What kind of responsible elected official would just sit around and do nothing?
Much of the violence is externally driven, with fighters and funds pouring into Iraq from the Syrian crisis. Still, it is undeniable that some Iraqis are giving these fighters safe haven and facilitating their passage -- something that is traditionally called "passive support." In Anbar, this is and has been a serious problem.
The good news is that Iraq's Sunnis are a numerical minority -- though in Anbar they represent an overwhelming majority -- and the ISIS fighters are a small percentage within that. Moreover, al Qaeda has now given up its primary weapon against the Iraqi government: the invisibility afforded by its steady campaign of car bombings. Because al Qaeda's safe havens and staging bases were easily concealed, the terrorists were virtually invisible until they blew themselves up. Now that they have taken up positions in major population centers including Fallujah and Ramadi, however, you need only read the New York Times to know where to find them.
These cities are now reportedly surrounded, and the Iraqi Army has positioned itself between them and the open desert to prevent the escape or reinforcement of militants. The most likely scenario -- though there are no certainties in warfare -- is that forces from the central government, Anbar province, or local tribes will soon destroy the al Qaeda fighters and their allies. That is, unless other passive supporters permit them to escape.
The current crisis presents an interesting test for Iraq's security forces. After several years without American advisors and trainers, what level of combat proficiency do these forces have? One thing is certain: They will be operating without the air power that American forces enjoyed during the second battle of Fallujah, when a combined force of U.S. Army mechanized battalions and U.S. Marine infantry dislodged both nationalist and al Qaeda insurgents in a bloody battle. Notably, F-16 fighter jets -- already approved by Congress and paid for by the Iraqis-- are still en route to the country, while Apache helicopters have been requested for purchase, but not approved by a suspicious U.S. Senate.
In short, the situation in Anbar presents a political and military inflection point for Iraq. It is very possible that things could go badly -- that the Iraqi Army will underperform and that the Anbaris will not reject al Qaeda's presence. But should this crisis generally align the Anbari population against ISIS, and should the Iraqi Army (or some other military force) prevail against the terrorists in Fallujah and Ramadi, then this could turn into a positive development as Iraq goes into national elections in April. The coming days and weeks will be important ones for Iraq

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‘Systematic torture’: Dossier accusing UK politicians of Iraq war crimes goes to ICC
The ICC has been urged to investigate the alleged war crimes of UK politicians during the Iraq conflict. A dossier detailing reports of sexual assault, torture and mock executions carried out by British soldiers in Iraq has been submitted to the Court.

The 250-page document entitled “The Responsibility of UK Officials for War Crimes Involving Systematic Detainee Abuse in Iraq from 2003-2008”, published by the German-based European Centre for Constitutional Human Rights, calls for "opening of an investigation” into the actions of senior British officials during the conflict.

The document compiles testimonies from over 400 Iraqis, constituting “thousands of allegations of mistreatment amounting to war crimes of torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.” Among the documented crimes are brutal acts of physical abuse, including “hooding prisoners, electric shocks, burning, sexual assault, cultural and religious humiliation, rape and simulated executions.”

Given the scope and systematic nature of the crimes between 2003 and 2008, the Centre for Constitutional Human Rights lays the blame at the feet of “individuals at the highest levels” of the UK army and political system. The report alleges that members of the UK government were aware, or should have been aware, of the abuses being committed by their soldiers, but even so, failed to act.

“Civilian superiors knew or consciously disregarded information at their disposal, which clearly indicated that UK services personnel were committing war crimes in Iraq,” writes the report. It highlights a number of British politicians alleging their guilt of war crimes. Ex-defense secretary, Geoff Hoon, and army chief, General Sir Peter Wall, are just two of the high-ranking politicians implicated in the systematic abuse of Iraqi prisoners.

The complaint argues that "the pattern of abusive treatment by UK services personnel in Iraq continued over almost six years of military operations", as quoted by the Independent on Sunday, and calls for an investigation into the alleged war crimes, under Article 15 of the Rome Statute.

The UK government responded, saying it rejected claims of “systematic torture,” but regretted a “small number” of cases had taken place. In these cases, the UK claims the necessary legal steps were taken and the families of those affected were duly compensated.

“These matters are either under thorough investigation, or have been dealt with through various means including through the Iraq historic allegations team, independent public inquiries, the UK and European courts and in parliament,” a government spokesman said.

The ICC has previously stated “there was a reasonable basis to believe that crimes within the jurisdiction of the court had been committed, namely willful killing and inhuman treatment" by British soldiers. However, prosecutors said the number of cases – around 20 – was too little to warrant an investigation into possible war crimes.
‘Baseless rumors’

A number of accusations have been leveled at the UK military regarding acts of abuse during the Iraq occupation. British military officials rejected allegations that soldiers had mutilated the bodies of insurgents and abused detainees in the 2004 ‘Battle of Danny Boy’ in southern Iraq.

Colonel Adam Griffith told a London hearing in September that there was “no evidence to support this proposition”. He attributed the claims of Iraqi witnesses to their “ignorance as to the traumatic injuries that can be suffered in combat” and a smear campaign against the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003.

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Leger Irak zal Fallujah niet aanvallen

De Iraakse premier Nuri al-Maliki heeft zondag beloofd dat het leger geen aanvallen zal uitvoeren op Fallujah, om de stad nog meer ellende te besparen.

Hij gaf soennitische stamleden de tijd om soennitische extremisten te verjagen die banden hebben met terreurbeweging al-Qaeda. Hoe lang dat proces duurt, maakt volgens hem niet uit.

''We willen een einde maken aan de aanwezigheid van die strijders zonder enig bloedvergieten, omdat de inwoners van Fallujah al veel hebben geleden.''

Maliki verwees daarmee naar de aanvallen van het Amerikaanse leger om opstandelingen te verjagen in 2004. Malaki zei dat het leger Falluja blijft omsingelen, zodat strijders de stad niet kunnen gebruiken als basis.

ISL
Aanhangers van de extremistische groepering ISIL (Islamitische Staat in Irak en de Levant) bezetten bijna twee weken geleden delen van de steden Falluja en Ramadi. Vorige week heroverden Iraakse veiligheidstroepen en lokale stamleden Ramadi, de hoofdstad van de westelijke provincie Anbar.

ISIL maakt gebruik van de haat die soennieten koesteren tegen de door de sjiitische meerderheid geleide regering van Maliki. Onder dictator Saddam Hussein, die in 2005 werd afgezet, hadden de soennieten het in Irak voor het zeggen. Toen de Iraakse politie begin dit jaar een soennitisch protestkamp afbrak in Ramadi, sloeg de vlam in de pan.

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Op zondag 12 januari 2014 22:26 schreef UpsideDown het volgende:
Hij tijdperk van Saddam Hussein is voorbij, die zou de stad platbranden.

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Op zondag 12 januari 2014 22:39 schreef Charismatisch het volgende:

[..]

De Amerikanen zijn ook flink tekeer gegaan in Fallujah.

"Maliki verwees daarmee naar de aanvallen van het Amerikaanse leger om opstandelingen te verjagen in 2004."

During military combat operations in Fallujah, Iraq, white phosphorus munitions were used by United States military
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_phosphorus_use_in_Iraq

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Tientallen doden door escalerend geweld Irak

In Irak zijn tientallen mensen omgekomen bij een serie bomaanslagen. Door bomaanslagen in de hoofdstad Bagdad en een dorp bij Baquba zijn zeker 52 mensen omgekomen. Dat heeft de politie gemeld.

Een aanslag werd gepleegd tijdens een begrafenis in de buurt van Baquba. Daar waren tientallen mensen in een tent samengekomen om te rouwen om de dood van een (soennitische) aanhanger van de regering (Sahwa-militie). Bij de aanslag kwamen 18 mensen om het leven en vielen 26 gewonden.

In de hoofdstad Bagdad ontploften op negen verschillende plaatsen (sjiitische districten) autobommen. Zeker 34 mensen kwamen daarbij om. De meeste aanslagen waren bij drukbezochte markten en in winkelstraten.

De verantwoordelijkheid voor de aanslagen is nog niet opgeëist, maar dit soort gecoördineerde aanslagen worden meestal toegeschreven aan de Iraakse tak van de salafistisch-jihadistische terreurgroepering al-Qaeda, de Islamitische Staat Irak en de Levant (ISIL).

Het geweld in Irak is de afgelopen weken verder toegenomen. Gisteren kwamen ook al zeker 24 mensen om het leven. Het bleef toen niet bij aanslagen. Militanten voerden grote, gecoördineerde aanvallen uit bij de stad Falluja. Ze vernietigden een brug en twee legertanks. In Saqlawiya namen de militanten een politiebureau in.

Vorig jaar kwamen volgens de VN 8.868 mensen om het leven bij aanslagen. Dit jaar zijn er tot nu toe 285 doden gevallen.

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26 doden en 70 gewonden door bomaanslag in Irak

Diverse bomaanslagen in de Iraakse hoofdstad Bagdad hebben vandaag minstens 26 levens geëist. Volgens politie en medici raakten bijna 70 mensen gewond door de explosies.

In totaal gingen op minstens zeven plaatsen in Bagdad bommen af. De dodelijkste aanslag gebeurde met een autobom, in de buurt van een drukbezochte markt in een wijk waar vooral sjiieten wonen. Door de ontploffing kwamen 7 mensen om het leven.

In de tussentijd wordt sporadisch gevochten rond de stad Falluja, die al weken grotendeels in handen is van soennitische militanten. Zo'n 10 kilometer buiten de stad viel een groep strijders een kazerne aan, met twee kapotte voertuigen en één dode aanvaller tot gevolg.

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Op dinsdag 21 januari 2014 21:55 schreef Charismatisch het volgende:
De Iraakse autoriteiten hebben deze week 26 gevangenen geëxecuteerd, zo heeft het ministerie van Irak meegedeeld. De gevangenen waren veroordeeld voor terrorisme en de terechtstellingen vonden zondag plaats. Mensenrechtenorganisaties hekelen de gang van zaken in Iraakse rechtbanken.
http://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/(...)teert-26-gevangenen/