Propaganda en deceptie in de massamedia

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Op dinsdag 18 januari 2011 11:20 schreef Ticker het volgende:
Naja ik moet hem iets nuanceren het is niet zo dat er letterlijk over haar gezicht heen gespoten wordt maar ik denk wel dat er iets gemaakts aan zit. Ik ga dit nog eens goed bekijken. Ook het bloed wat in beide mondhoeken netjes naar boven komt vind ik er verdacht uitzien.

Dit is gewoon dubieus.

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Op dinsdag 18 januari 2011 21:29 schreef THEFXR het volgende:

[..]

bloed is veel dunner,dan deze stroperige troep, heb het aan een vriendin laten zien die op de ambulance rijdt en die deelt mijn mening.

Dat dacht ik ook al ja. Ook haar gezicht is niet bleek.... wat volgens mij vrij snel optreed bij flink bloedverlies.

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Op donderdag 20 januari 2011 09:54 schreef Ticker het volgende:
Ik kan de topics reeks over de geboorte certificaten van Obama niet vinden, tenminst geen die open is, dus plaatst ik deze hier, onder het kopje deceptie:

Hawaii governor can't find Obama birth certificate

[..]

Photo 4: Analysis



Enlargement (zooming in) of the above photo again reveals some peculiar anomalies which demonstrate a continuing pattern of obfuscation and fraud. How is it that one is unable to identify certain members of one's own family? The answer to that question is found, first, in considering this photo is an entire composite hoax and never actually occurred at all in realtime.


Barack Obama, Jr. and all other subjects have been compiled into this photo to give the fraudulent representation of a family gathering. Obama's hands appear to be resting on the shoulders of his half-sister, Auma and his grandmother, Kezia. One can see his cupped hands do not look natural—especially his right thumb—and are merely superimposed to look like they are really there. The hand of Abongo (Roy) Obama, his so-called step-brother, rests on Barack's shoulder, while the same hand is holding the hand of an unknown woman. Enlargement reveals that Abongo's right hand has been altered (masked) by photographic editing, showing a large, square pixel in place of the hand.


Again the unknown individual (back row, 2nd from the right) is wearing dark clothes intended to obfuscate the compiled abnormalities which cannot be hidden by other means. The unknown individual (back row, far right) next to him is sporting two-toned trousers, the left leg being powder blue, and the right leg being dark purple. Even the trousers’ inseam on the left leg is purple and is inconsistent with the lack of natural shadows within the entire picture. Nevertheless, that individual's right shoe remains white, while the color of his right pant leg has turned purple.


Photo 4-A



The author has edited an exact digital copy of “Photo 4” in an attempt to determine why shadows appear in such an orderly fashion, especially in places accessible to light


Photo 4-A: Analysis


Consistent with the fraudulent nature of this photograph are the following: Attempts at brightening the shadowed areas underneath and between the two center chairs reveal wheels on one chair, but produce no successful results on the other. This anomaly indicates that the shadow is a solid-black coloration added to facilitate the compiled nature of the photo. Why don't the outermost chairs produce similar shadows where the lighting should be naturally impeded? The floor shadowing effect is actually occurring in the areas between the chairs, where the lighting should reveal a white floor and not a black surface. The floor behind the unknown subject (again, back row, far right) suddenly turns powder blue, matching both the photo's backdrop and the subject's left-trouser leg.


Further analysis of this photo will consistently reveal the same types of anomalies. It should suffice to say that if one subject is fraudulently inserted into the photo, the entire photo is a fraud. This photo also pixellates at different levels of digital magnification, indicating it has been created by a crude method of compilation.

Conclusions


By now, the reader will be asking more than a few questions. Why would anyone fake such important photographs, and how could they expect to get away with such a criminal act after all? The answers to those questions (and the others you may be asking yourself) are simple:


Obama and his New-World-Order handlers had no other choice. Barack Hussein Muhammed Obama, Jr. is, and has been, a fraud—from day one. That is what he is, and that is all he will ever be.


The powers-that-be, in their arrogant, psychopathic zeal, assume that a sufficient number of people have been adequately brainwashed to the extent that they will 'believe' anything. Many have believed the lies from the very beginning and likely still do. But the NWO types and their minions have severely miscalculated the sheer determination and conviction which drives those who relentlessly cast light on their dark deeds and on their evil plans for humanity.


The first step in accepting Barack Obama's promise for "change” is taken after accepting his fraudulent historical accounts, his fraudulent 'documentation', and now—his fraudulent Photoshop images. If you, the reader, can honestly look at any photographs of Barack Obama or his self-proclaimed international-bloodline stooges without a hint of suspicion regarding those photos’ origins, you have already experienced the "change" for which you have longed. You will have been blinded by the very darkness that follows him and those whose bidding he does.


The 'messiah' you have awaited has symbolicaly twisted the words which describe the True Messiah's "Immaculate Conception," into his own "immaculate deception." Satan, himself, would be proud of such a feat.


In summation, there remains no doubt, now, that the photographic biography of Barack Hussein Muhammed Obama, Jr. is as great a fiction as his own autobiographical accounts, whether in book, audio, video, online, or print-media format. Although these photos do not conclusively prove where Obama or his family were at any given point in time, they do prove where he—and they—were not.

Meer foto's en commentaar hier: http://www.whale.to/b/nicoloff6.html

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Op woensdag 19 januari 2011 18:48 schreef 1080 het volgende:
The House of Rothschild bought Reuters news service in the 1800's. Within the last 20 years, Reuters bought the Associated Press. Now the Elite own the two largest wire services in the world, where most newspapers get their news. The Rothschilds have control of all three U.S. Networks, plus other aspects of the recording and mass media industry according to research by Eustice Mullins in his book 'Who Owns the TV Networks'.

Vind dit bijna OP materiaal. Dit veranderd heel je referentiekader. Ik gok dat 80% van alle internationale nieuwsmateriaal van die 2 bronnen vandaan komen.

Interessant.

[ Bericht 20% gewijzigd door #ANONIEM op 21-01-2011 00:09:54 ]

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Army embeds active-duty PSYOPS soldiers at local TV stations



The U.S. Army has used local television stations in the U.S. as training posts for some of its psychological-operations personnel, The Upshot has learned. Since at least 2001, both WRAL, a CBS affiliate in Raleigh, N.C., and WTOC, a CBS affiliate in Savannah, Ga., have regularly hosted active-duty soldiers from the Army's 4th Psychological Operations group as part of the Army's Training With Industry program. Training With Industry is designed to offer career soldiers a chance to pick up skills through internships and fellowships with private businesses. The PSYOPS soldiers used WRAL and WTOC to learn broadcasting and communications expertise that they could apply in their mission, as the Army describes it, of "influenc[ing] the emotions, motives, objective reasoning, and ultimately the behavior of foreign audiences."

WRAL and WTOC were on a list of participants in the Army's Training With Industry program provided to The Upshot in response to a Freedom of Information Act request, and a spokeswoman with the Army's Human Resources Command confirmed that PSYOPS soldiers worked at the stations.

"Both of those stations are very supportive of the military, and think very highly of the program," said Lt. Col. Stacy Bathrick. "Our officers are there to learn best practices in terms of programming and production side that they can use when they deploy. To be able to get hands-on interaction with a news station ⤔ there's nothing like that." Bathrick said the soldiers were never involved in newsgathering.

The relationship between PSYOPS, Training With Industry, and television news operations has stirred controversy in the past. In 2000, after a Dutch newspaper reported that PSYOPS troops had been placed in CNN's newsroom under the program, CNN discontinued the internships and admitted that they had been a mistake. "It was inappropriate for PSYOPS personnel to be at CNN, they are not here now, and they never again will be at CNN," a spokesperson said at the time.

WRAL's news director, Rick Gall, feels differently. "My sense was, this was an educational opportunity to see how the broadcasting industry operates," said Gall. "They'd spend time in the various departments of the station, including the newsroom. I wasn't concerned about having someone learn what we do, and there was no influence on newsgathering. It was like shadowing." WRAL is owned by Capitol Broadcasting Company, which owns a variety of media outlets in North Carolina. Gall said WRAL hasn't hosted a soldier — which he described as an "embed" — since 2007. According to Bathrick, the Army's relationship with WTOC in Savannah is ongoing — a PSYOPS officer is currently embedded there. Bill Cathcart, WTOC's vice president and general manager, did not return phone calls or an e-mail seeking comment. WTOC is owned by Raycom Media, a television chain based in Alabama.

WRAL and WTOC are not alone among media outlets that the U.S. military has sought to learn from through Training With Industry. The Upshot has previously reported that the Marine Corps placed public affairs officers with the Chicago Tribune for several years in order to better understand how to influence and work with the news media, and CNNMoney.com hosted an officer in 2007 and 2008, despite the network's embarrassment over the program in 2000.

Bron: http://news.yahoo.com/s/y(...)at-local-tv-stations

Hollywood na 11-9

Patriottisme en propaganda

Nooit was de liefde tussen de Amerikaanse overheid en Hollywood zo groot als na elf september. In het huwelijk zijn de rollen strak verdeeld: de overheid zorgt in de strijd tegen het terrorisme voor militaire acties en Hollywood voor patriottische propaganda. Ridley Scotts Black Hawk down is een infaam dieptepunt.

Black Hawk down.

Welke les trok Hollywood uit de aanslagen op het WTC en het Pentagon? De eerste paniekreactie was een schoonmaakactie. Studio's verwijderden alle beelden van de Twin Towers uit speelfilms. Ook stelden zij de productie uit van films waarin terroristen een rol spelen. Onder meer Jackie Chan kreeg plotseling veel vrije tijd, omdat de productie van Nosebleed, waarin hij een glazenwasser van het WTC speelt die het Vrijheidsbeeld wil opblazen, werd stopgezet. 'Terreurfilms' die al klaar waren, werden niet uitgebracht. Zoals Collateral damage, waarin Arnold Schwarzenegger op jacht gaat naar de terroristen die zijn gezin vermoordden. Films met terroristen die al in de bioscoop draaiden, zoals Swordfish, werden teruggetrokken.
De 'terror-cleansing' was nog maar net voltooid, toen er een andere wind opstak. Was Hollywoods reactie wel de juiste? Riekte het negeren van terrorisme niet naar défaitisme? Moest Hollywood niet in navolging van president Bush ("We smoke them out") de aanval openen op het terrorisme? De tachtigjarige Jack Valenti, als president van de Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) de politieke spil van de filmindustrie, wees zes weken na de aanslagen Hollywood de weg. Op een bijeenkomst van studiobazen bekritiseerde hij het uitstellen van films. Als voorbeeld verwees hij naar Collateral damage. Er was volgens hem niets mis met die film: "Schwarzenegger verslaat de terroristen, dus is de film goed." Zijn dwingende advies aan de studio's: "Wees angstig en voorzichtig. Dat is okee. Maar doe je werk."
Valenti's koersverlegging kwam niet uit de lucht vallen. Met zijn woorden moest de oud-adviseur van president Johnson de geesten in Hollywood rijp maken voor een patriottisch propagandaoffensief. Twee weken na zijn opmerkingen werd er een 'denktank' geformeerd van regeringsambtenaren en Hollywood-vertegenwoordigers. Het groepje heeft als opdracht scenario's te bedenken over de strijd tegen het terrorisme. Tot de meedenkers behoort Steven E. De Souza, scenarist van Die hard 1 en 2, maar ook creatieve geesten als Spike Jonze (Being John Malkovich) en David Fincher (Fight club). Dat de 'denktank' is samengesteld door het Institute for creative technology van de Universiteit van Zuid Californië wijst op betrokkenheid van het Amerikaanse leger, want dat richtte het instituut twee jaar geleden voor vijfenveertig miljoen dollar op.

Reclamespot
Militaire betrokkenheid bij Hollywood is geen nieuw verschijnsel. Bij het eerste Oscarfeestje in 1927 ging de Oscar voor de beste film naar Wings, dat met steun van de Amerikaanse luchtmacht was gemaakt. In de Tweede Wereldoorlog bereikte de materiële en personele steun van het leger aan Hollywoodfilms een voorlopig hoogtepunt. De Vietnamoorlog zorgde voor een breuk in de goede relatie, omdat Vietnamfilms als Deer hunter, Coming home, Apocalypse now en Platoon geen reclamespot waren voor het leger. The green berets uit 1968 was de enige Vietnamfilm waaraan het Pentagon meewerkte en van harte. De film was een initiatief van John Wayne, die president Johnson schreef dat hij een 'pro-Vietnamfilm' wilde maken. De film was succesvol, maar zette geen zoden aan de dijk, omdat de Amerikanen zich al massaal van Vietnam hadden afgekeerd.
Het negatieve oorlogsbeeld bepaalde tot in de jaren tachtig de publieke opinie. Onder het presidentschap van Reagan kwam het tot een ommekeer. Hollywood begon weer films te maken, die het leger portretteerde als een vriendenclub waar je leuke avonturen mee beleefde. Een mijlpaal in de imago-upgrading was Top gun (1986), waarvan de productiekosten zonder steun van de luchtmacht twee keer zo hoog zouden zijn geweest. In de jaren na de film vervijfvoudigde (!) het aantal aanmeldingen voor het leger.
Studio's die voor de productie van films steun willen van het leger - meestal gaat het om materieel en personele assistentie - sturen hun scripts naar het Pentagon, dat beoordeelt of de film bijdraagt aan een positieve beeldvorming over het leger. Voorstellen om scènes te wijzigen behoren tot de normale gang van zaken. Een kritische strekking sluit steun uit, maar ook voorzichtige kanttekeningen worden niet gewaardeerd. Courage under fire (1996) kreeg geen steun, omdat de film de vraag opwierp of elke militaire onderscheiding in de Golfoorlog wel verdiend was. Van zulke vragen houdt het Pentagon niet.

Kamikaze-actie
De waardering voor militairen bereikte een hoogtepunt in 1998 met Steven Spielbergs Saving private Ryan. De film heeft niets met het huidige Amerika te maken, maar het militaire apparaat was er snel bij om zich de heroïek van de inval in Normandië toe te eigenen. Net als toen staat ook nu het Amerikaanse leger voor de verdediging van de democratie, luidde de boodschap van het Pentagon. Maar de film deed meer: het slechtte de restanten van het anti-oorlogssentiment van de generatie van de jaren zestig. Met Saving private Ryan bewezen de babyboomers alsnog eer aan hun vaders, die de wereld van Hitler hadden verlost.
Saving private Ryan leerde dat Amerika klaar was voor een militaristisch en patriottisch propagandaoffensief. Producent Jerry Bruckheimer, die eerder met Top gun bewees het socio-politieke klimaat goed aan te voelen, zag de vruchtbare bodem. Pearl Harbor was het resultaat. De film verlegde de propagandagrens, want het presenteerde een militaire nederlaag als een morele overwinning. Eigenlijk moesten de Amerikanen dankbaar zijn dat de Japanners de Amerikaanse vloot naar de zeebodem torpedeerden, want dat haalde het beste in hen naar boven: patriottisme en heldenmoed. In Pearl Harbor wordt een militair zinloze actie - het bombarderen van Tokio in 1942 - voorgesteld als de ultieme vorm van heldenmoed. Wie niet patriottisch verblind was, zag een kamikaze-actie, waarvan we altijd dachten - keurig geleerd op school - dat het een Japanse specialiteit was. Vergeleken bij Pearl Harbor is Saving private Ryan een meesterwerk, omdat het militairen niet mythologiseert, maar hen voorstelt als doodsbange jongens, die in een oorlogshel terecht komen. Bovendien schuilt in Saving private Ryan onder de patriottische lading een moreel dilemma: mag je soldatenlevens opofferen om één leven te redden?

Mitrailleurvuur
Pearl Harbor was een dieptepunt in de Amerikaanse filmpropaganda, maar dat het altijd nog erger kan, bewijzen Bruckheimer en regisseur Ridley Scott met Black Hawk down. De film gaat over de Amerikaanse militaire actie op 3 oktober 1993 in Mogadishu in Somalië om een paar handlangers van krijgsheer Aidid te arresteren. De schijnbaar eenvoudige klus ontaardde in een vijftien uur durende bloedige chaos, waarin achttien Amerikaanse militairen en tussen de vijfhonderd en duizend Somaliërs omkwamen. CNN-beelden van joelende Somaliërs, die de lijken van twee Amerikaanse militairen door de straten van Mogadishu sleepten, schokten de Amerikaanse publieke opinie, zodat president Clinton gedwongen was de troepen uit Somalië terug te trekken.
Black Hawk down presenteert de desastreuze actie als een heroïsche strijd van een groepje Amerikaanse militairen tegen een horde Somaliërs, die zich als lemmingen in Amerikaans mitrailleurvuur storten. Het doet denken aan het racisme in westerns in de jaren vijftig, waarin kinderlijke indianen zich en masse lieten afslachten. Gedurende twee uur van de tweeëneenhalf uur durende film knetteren mitrailleurs, ontploffen granaten, spatten lichamem uit elkaar, worden lichaamsdelen afgerukt en spuit bloed in het rond. De vergelijking met Saving private Ryan gaat mank, want daarin vormt de oorlogshel uit het eerste kwartier de opmaat voor een verhaal over een moreel dilemma. In dilemma's zijn de makers van Black Hawk down niet geïnteresseerd. Ook de vraag wie verantwoordelijk was voor de mislukte actie, wordt niet gesteld.
In de drang om militairen als helden te portretteren, slaat de film volledig door, zodat hij grotesk wordt. De Amerikaanse militairen in Black Hawk down zijn karikaturen van wilskracht en heldenmoed, die zelfs niet het bewustzijn verliezen als ze gapende wonden ter grootte van een voetbal hebben.

Morele overwinning
Black Hawk down is niet alleen oorlogsporno, maar ook infaam patriottisch, omdat de film een desastreuze militaire actie presenteert als een glorieus optreden. Laf is de film ook, omdat de vernederende beelden van het slepen met de lijken van de twee Amerikanen ontbreken. De weinige woorden die de film wijdt aan de politieke context van het optreden in Somalië zijn een brutaal staaltje geschiedvervalsing. Black Hawk down begint met een tekstje, dat wil doen geloven dat de Amerikanen uitsluitend om humanitaire redenen in Somalië waren. Dat Amerikaanse oliemaatschappijen belangen hebben in het land, die na de omverwerping van het pro-westerse regime van Mohamed Siad Barre gevaar liepen - ach, wie let er op. Dat de film suggereert dat Clinton de actie in Somalië begon, terwijl hij in werkelijkheid werd opgezadeld met een erfenis van voorganger Bush - ach, wie maakt zich er druk om. Dat de Amerikanen zich in Somalië gehaat maakten door hun brute optreden - in de zomer van 1993 vermoordden ze vijftig gematigde leiders, die in een bijeenkomst bijeen waren om de politieke impasse in het land te doorbreken - ach, wie wil het weten?
Filmhistorici maken altijd onderscheid tussen geallieerde en nazi-propaganda in de Tweede Wereldoorlog. De Amerikaanse en Britse propaganda bevatte rationele elementen, terwijl de nazi-propaganda appelleerde aan blind patriottisme en 'sterven voor het vaderland'. Pearl Harbor liet met zijn kamikaze-actie zien dat dit onderscheid niet langer opgaat. Black Hawk down maakt duidelijk dat dit niet eenmalig was. De film doet denken aan de nazi-film Kolberg, waarin de bevolking in een dorpje in Pruisen zich in 1806 liever doodvecht dan zich overgeeft aan Napoleon. De film presenteert de uiteindelijke nederlaag als een morele overwinning. Black Hawk down doet hetzelfde. Doorvechten en nooit overgeven, is het motto. "Je moet niet nadenken", zegt een van de Amerikaanse militairen tegen een twijfelende medestrijder. De film verwacht van ons hetzelfde. We wachten op Bruckheimers film waarin de Amerikanen alsnog de oorlog in Vietnam winnen.

http://www.filmkrant.nl/a(...)/fk231/hollywoo.html

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Op zondag 23 januari 2011 19:35 schreef Gray het volgende:

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Interessant stuk, de relatie Hollywood-wereldpolitiek interesseert me enorm. Ook al klopt het artikel op kleine punten niet, de algehele strekking ben ik het wel mee eens.

Overigens lijkt het anti-China (of aziaten, Amerikanen houden dat toch niet uit elkaar) ook weer van start gegaan met de film Tomorrow when the war began. Hierover had ik al een uitgebreide post gemaakt in het Inception-topic.

Ik ben er nog niet geheel over uit wat de obsessie lijkt van Hollywood met alle remakes van buitenlandse films. Een manier van (filmgeschiedenis) herschrijven of puur uit financieel belang en gebrek aan creatieve scripten van eigen bodem?

Mij dus ook.

OPERATION MOCKINGBIRD

In 1948 Frank Wisner was appointed director of the Office of Special Projects. Soon afterwards it was renamed the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). This became the espionage and counter-intelligence branch of the Central Intelligence Agency. Wisner was told to create an organization that concentrated on "propaganda, economic warfare; preventive direct action, including sabotage, anti-sabotage, demolition and evacuation measures; subversion against hostile states, including assistance to underground resistance groups, and support of indigenous anti-Communist elements in threatened countries of the free world."

Later that year Wisner established Mockingbird, a program to influence the domestic American media. Wisner recruited Philip Graham (Washington Post) to run the project within the industry. Graham himself recruited others who had worked for military intelligence during the war. This included James Truitt, Russell Wiggins, Phil Geyelin, John Hayes and Alan Barth. Others like Stewart Alsop, Joseph Alsop and James Reston, were recruited from within the Georgetown Set. According to Deborah Davis (Katharine the Great): "By the early 1950s, Wisner 'owned' respected members of the New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles."




In 1951 Allen W. Dulles persuaded Cord Meyer to join the CIA. However, there is evidence that he was recruited several years earlier and had been spying on the liberal organizations he had been a member of in the later 1940s. According to Deborah Davis, Meyer became Mockingbird's "principal operative".




One of the most important journalists under the control of Operation Mockingbird was Joseph Alsop, whose articles appeared in over 300 different newspapers.

Other journalists willing to promote the views of the CIA included Stewart Alsop (New York Herald Tribune), Ben Bradlee (Newsweek), James Reston (New York Times), C. D. Jackson (Time Magazine), Walter Pincus (Washington Post), William C. Baggs (Miami News), Herb Gold (Miami News) and Charles Bartlett (Chattanooga Times). According to Nina Burleigh (A Very Private Woman) these journalists sometimes wrote articles that were commissioned by Frank Wisner. The CIA also provided them with classified information to help them with their work.

After 1953 the network was overseen by Allen W. Dulles, director of the Central Intelligence Agency.




By this time Operation Mockingbird had a major influence over 25 newspapers and wire agencies. These organizations were run by people with well-known right-wing views such as William Paley (CBS), Henry Luce (Time Magazine and Life Magazine), Arthur Hays Sulzberger (New York Times), Alfred Friendly (managing editor of the Washington Post), Jerry O'Leary (Washington Star), Hal Hendrix (Miami News), Barry Bingham Sr., (Louisville Courier-Journal), James Copley (Copley News Services) and Joseph Harrison (Christian Science Monitor).



Allen W. Dulles


The Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) was funded by siphoning of funds intended for the Marshall Plan. Some of this money was used to bribe journalists and publishers. Frank Wisner was constantly looked for ways to help convince the public of the dangers of communism. In 1954 Wisner arranged for the funding the Hollywood production of Animal Farm, the animated allegory based on the book written by George Orwell.

According to Alex Constantine

(Mockingbird: The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA),

in the 1950s, "some 3,000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts". Wisner was also able to restrict newspapers from reporting about certain events. For example, the CIA plots to overthrow the governments of Iran and Guatemala.

Thomas Braden, head of the of International Organizations Division (IOD), played an important role in Operation Mockingbird. Many years later he revealed his role in these events: "If the director of CIA wanted to extend a present, say, to someone in Europe - a Labour leader - suppose he just thought, This man can use fifty thousand dollars, he's working well and doing a good job - he could hand it to him and never have to account to anybody... There was simply no limit to the money it could spend and no limit to the people it could hire and no limit to the activities it could decide were necessary to conduct the war - the secret war.... It was a multinational. Maybe it was one of the first. Journalists were a target, labor unions a particular target - that was one of the activities in which the communists spent the most money."

In August, 1952, the Office of Policy Coordination and the Office of Special Operations (the espionage division) were merged to form the Directorate of Plans (DPP). Frank Wisner became head of this new organization and Richard Helms became his chief of operations. Mockingbird was now the responsibility of the DPP.

J. Edgar Hoover became jealous of the CIA's growing power. He described the OPC as "Wisner's gang of weirdos" and began carrying out investigations into their past. It did not take him long to discover that some of them had been active in left-wing politics in the 1930s. This information was passed to who started making attacks on members of the OPC. Hoover also gave McCarthy details of an affair that Frank Wisner had with Princess Caradja in Romania during the war.

Hoover, claimed that Caradja was a Soviet agent.

Joseph McCarthy also began accusing other senior members of the CIA as being security risks. McCarthy claimed that the CIA was a "sinkhole of communists" and claimed he intended to root out a hundred of them. One of his first targets was Cord Meyer, who was still working for Operation Mockingbird. In August, 1953, Richard Helms, Wisner's deputy at the OPC, told Meyer that Joseph McCarthy had accused him of being a communist. The Federal Bureau of Investigation added to the smear by announcing it was unwilling to give Meyer "security clearance". However, the FBI refused to explain what evidence they had against Meyer. Allen W. Dulles and both came to his defence and refused to permit a FBI interrogation of Meyer.


Joseph McCarthy did not realise what he was taking on. Wisner unleashed Mockingbird on McCarthy. Drew Pearson, Joe Alsop, Jack Anderson, Walter Lippmann and Ed Murrow all went into attack mode and McCarthy was permanently damaged by the press coverage orchestrated by Wisner.

Mockingbird was very active during the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala. People like Henry Luce was able to censor stories that appeared too sympathetic towards the plight of Arbenz. Allen W. Dulles was even able to keep left-wing journalists from travelling to Guatemala. This including Sydney Gruson of the New York Times.

Frank Wisner was also interested in influencing Hollywood. As Hugh Wilford points out in ]The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America:





(2008-): “Fortunately for the CIA, two factors predisposed the major
Hollywood studios that dominated the industry to take a responsible position in the cultural Cold War. One was a strong tendency toward self-censorship, the result of many years' experience avoiding the commercially disastrous effects of giving offense to either domestic pressure groups like the American Legion or foreign audiences. The other was the fact that the men who ran the studios were intensely patriotic and anticommunist - they saw it as their duty to help their government defeat the Soviet threat."

Frank Wisner was helped by the fact that the House of Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), chaired by J. Parnell Thomas, was carrying out an investigation into the Hollywood Motion Picture Industry. The HUAC interviewed 41 people who were working in Hollywood. These people attended voluntarily and became known as "friendly witnesses". During their interviews they named nineteen people who they accused of holding left-wing views.




One of those named, Bertolt Brecht, a playwright, gave evidence and then left for East Germany. Ten others: Herbert Biberman, Lester Cole, Albert Maltz, Adrian Scott, Samuel Ornitz, Dalton Trumbo, Edward Dmytryk, Ring Lardner Jr., John Howard Lawson and Alvah Bessie refused to answer any questions and were sent to prison and were blacklisted from the industry.

The CIA and FBI also provided right-wing television producer, Vincent Harnett, with information about left-wing figures in the industry. In June 1950 Harnett published Red Channels, a pamphlet listing the names of 151 writers, directors and performers who they claimed had been members of subversive organisations before the Second World War but had not so far been blacklisted.

Lee J. Cobb was one of those actors who was originally blacklisted but eventually cooperated with the HUAC: “When the facilities of the government of the United States are drawn on an individual it can be terrifying. The blacklist is just the opening gambit - being deprived of work. Your passport is confiscated. That's minor. But not being able to move without being tailed is something else. After a certain point it grows to implied as well as articulated threats, and people succumb. My wife did, and she was institutionalized. In 1953 the HCUA did a deal with me. I was pretty much worn down. I had no money. I couldn't borrow. I had the expenses of taking care of the children. Why am I subjecting my loved ones to this? If it's worth dying for, and I am just as idealistic as the next fellow. But I decided it wasn't worth dying for, and if this gesture was the way of getting out of the penitentiary I'd do it. I had to be employable again.”

According to Frances Stonor Saunders, the author of Who Paid the Piper? (2000), Frank Wisner recruited several important figures for Operation Mockingbird. This included former OSS filmmaker John Ford and studio bosses Cecil B. DeMille (Paramount Pictures) and Darryl Zanuck (Twentieth Century-Fox).

Another important figure in this group was Howard Hughes, the boss of RKO Pictures. As Charles Higham points out in Howard Hughes: The Secret Life (2004), this was also good for business: “Hughes’s crusade against Communism” was “exacerbated by his desire to have Hughes Aircraft profit from the Korean and any future anti-Soviet wars”. For example, in June 1950, General Ira Eaker "signed an across-the-board agreement giving Hughes a monopoly in interceptors for the U.S. Air Force… despite the fact that it was in breach of the Sherman anti-monopolies act… By the end of 1950, the war had made Hughes even richer than before.”

Another important figure in this conspiracy was C. D. Jackson. He had joined the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) in 1943. The following year he was appointed Deputy Chief at the Psychological Warfare Division at

Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF).

After the war, he became Managing Director of Time-Life International. When it became clear that Dwight D. Eisenhower stood a good chance of becoming president, the CIA arranged for Jackson to join his campaign. This involved Jackson writing speeches for Eisenhower. Jackson was rewarded in February 1953 by being appointed as Special Assistant to the President. This included the role of Eisenhower's liaison between the CIA and the Pentagon.

According to the Eisenhower Presidential Library files in Abilene, Kansas, Jackson's "area responsibility was loosely defined as international affairs, cold war planning, and psychological warfare. His main function was the coordination of activities aimed at interpreting world situations to the best advantage of the United States and her allies and exploiting incidents which reflected negatively on the Soviet Union , Communist China and other enemies in the Cold War."

Jackson was also involved in Operation Mockingbird. This was revealed after the death of C. D. Jackson. On December 15, 1971, Mrs. C.D. Jackson gave her husband’s papers to the Dwight D. Eisenhower Library. This included details that Jackson was in contact with a CIA agent in Hollywood's Paramount Studios. The agent is not named by Jackson but Frances Stonor Saunders claims in Who Paid the Piper? (2000) that it was Carleton Alsop, a CIA agent employed by Frank Wisner. There is no doubt that Alsop was one of the CIA agents working at Paramount. However, Hugh Wilford argues in The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America (2008-) that it was a senior executive at Paramount, Lugi G. Laraschi, was the most important CIA figure at the studio. Laraschi was the head of foreign and domestic censorship at the studio, whose job was to “iron out any political, moral or religious problems”. Other studios, including MGM and RKO, had similar officers, and were probably CIA placements. In a private letter to Sherman Adams, Jackson claims the role of these CIA placements was “to insert in their scripts and in their action the right ideas with the proper subtlety”.

Although the main objective of Operation Mockingbird was to influence the production of commercial films the CIA also occasionally initiated film projects. The best documented instance of this concerns an animated version of Animal Farm, a satirical allegory about Stalinism by George Orwell. The book was highly popular when it was published in 1945 and it was only natural that the studios should be interested in making a film of the book. The problem for the CIA was that Orwell was a socialist whose book attacked both communism and capitalism. Therefore, it was important to make a film that restricted it to a condemnation of Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union.

In 1950 Wisner’s OPC arranged for Joe Bryan to recruit anti-communist documentary-maker Louis de Rochemont to produce a movie version of the tale. It was decided to get the film made in Britain to disguise CIA involvement in the project. Rochemont employed the British animation studio of husband and wife John Halas and Joy Batchelor to make the film. Most of the funding came from a CIA shell corporation, Touchstone. E. Howard Hunt was one of those agents involved in the production of the film whose role was to remove the socialist elements in Orwell’s allegory.

One unnamed member of the OPC sent a letter to John Halas called for the addition of scenes showing the other farms (that represented capitalist countries) in a more flattering light. The most important demand was to change the ending of Animal Farm. The CIA did not like the scene where the pigs and dogs face a liberation-style uprising of the other animals. The letter included the following: “It is reasonable to expect that if Orwell were to write the book today, it would be considerably different and that the changes would tend to make it even more positively anti-Communist and possibly somewhat more favorable to the Western powers.”




One of the main concerns of the CIA was the portrayal of race-relations in Hollywood movies. It was argued that the left was using this issue to undermine the idea that America was a democracy based on equal rights. Letters from Jackson sent to the producers of films called for scenes showing African Americans mixing on equal terms with whites. One of Jackson’s proposals involved “planting black spectators in a crowd watching a golf game in the Martin and Lewis comedy The Caddy”.

In 1955 Graham Greene published The Quiet American. The novel is set in Vietnam and involves the relationship between Thomas Fowler and Alden Pyle. Fowler is a veteran British journalist in his fifties, who has been covering the war in Vietnam for over two years. Pyle, the “Quiet American” of the title, is officially an aid worker, but is really employed by the CIA. It is believed that the Pyle character is partly based on that of Edward Lansdale.

Greene had worked for the British Secret Service during the Second World War. Although a fairly successful novelist at the time, Greene was also employed by The Times and Le Figaro as a journalist. Between 1951 to 1954 spent a long period of time in Saigon. In 1953 Lansdale became a CIA advisor on special counter-guerrilla operations to French forces against the Viet Minh.

While it is true that Graham Greene admitted that he never had the "misfortune to meet" Lansdale, the two men did know a lot about each other. Lansdale recalls that in 1954 he had dinner with Peg and Tilman Durdin at the Continental Hotel in Saigon. Greene was also there having a meal with several French officers. Lansdale claims that after he and the Durdins were leaving, Greene said something in French to his companions and the men began booing him.

Lansdale definitely thought that Pyle was based on him. He told Cecil B. Currey on 15th February, 1984: "Pyle was close to Trinh Minh Thé, the guerrilla leader, and also had a dog that went with him everywhere - and I was the only American close to Trinh Minh Thé and my poodle Pierre went everything with me."

In the book Pyle is sent to Vietnam by his government, ostensibly as a member of the American Economic Mission, but that assignment was only a cover for his real role as a CIA agent. According to one critic "Pyle was the embodiment of well-meaning American-style politics, and he blundered through the intrigue, treachery, and confusion of Vietnamese politics, leaving a trail of blood and suffering behind him."

As Fowler points out in the novel, Pyle was attempting to "win the East for Democracy". However, according to Fowler, what the people of Vietnam really wanted was "enough rice" to eat. What is more: "They don't want to be shot at. They want one day to be much the same as another. They don't want our white skins around telling them what they want."

When the book was published in the United States in 1956 it was condemned as anti-American. Pyle (Lansdale) is portrayed as someone whose belief in the justice of American foreign policy allows him to ignore the appalling consequences of his actions. It was criticized by The New Yorker for portraying Americans as murderers.

The director, producer and screenwriter, Joseph L. Mankiewicz was chosen to make the film of The Quiet American. He visited Saigon in 1956 and was introduced to Edward Lansdale, whose cover was working at the International Rescue Committee’s office. The most controversial scene in the book is the bombing of a Saigon square in 1952 by a Vietnamese associate of Lansdale’s, General Trinh Minh Thé. In the novel, Greene suggests that Pyle/Lansdale, was behind the bombing. Lansdale suggested to Mankiewicz that the film should show that the bombing was “actually having been a Communist action”.

When he returned home Mankiewicz wrote to John O’Daniel, the chairman of the American Friends of Vietnam that he intended to completely change the anti-American attitude of Greene’s book. This included the casting of Second World War hero, Audie Murphy, as Alden Pyle.

In a letter that Edward Lansdale wrote to Ngo Dinh Diem he praised Mankiewicz’s treatment of the story as “an excellent change from Mr. Greene’s novel of despair” and “that it will help win more friends for you and Vietnam in many places in the world where it is shown."

As Hugh Wilford pointed out: “It was a brilliantly devious maneuver of postmodern literary complexity: by helping to rewrite a story featuring a character reputedly based on himself, Lansdale had transformed an anti-American tract into a cinematic apology for U.S. policy - and his own actions-in Vietnam.”

Graham Greene was furious with Mankiewicz’s treatment ofhis novel. "Far was it from my mind, when I wrote The Quiet American that the book would become a source of spiritual profit to one of the most corrupt governments in Southeast Asia."

In 1955 President Dwight Eisenhower established the 5412 Committee in order to keep a check on the CIA's covert activities. The committee (also called the Special Group) included the CIA director, the national security adviser, and the deputy secretaries at State and Defence and had the responsibility to decide whether covert actions were "proper" and in the national interest. It was also decided to include Richard B. Russell, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. However, as Allen W. Dulles was later to admit, because of "plausible deniability" planned covert actions were not referred to the 5412 Committee.







Dwight Eisenhower became concerned about CIA covert activities and in 1956 appointed David Bruce as a member of the President's Board of Consultants on Foreign Intelligence Activities (PBCFIA). Eisenhower asked Bruce to write a report on the CIA. It was presented to Eisenhower on 20th December, 1956. Bruce argued that the CIA's covert actions were "responsible in great measure for stirring up the turmoil and raising the doubts about us that exists in many countries in the world today." Bruce was also highly critical of Mockingbird. He argued: "what right have we to go barging around in other countries buying newspapers and handling money to opposition parties or supporting a candidate for this, that, or the other office."

After Richard Bissell lost his post as Director of Plans in 1962, Tracy Barnes took over the running of Mockingbird. According to Evan Thomas The Very Best Men[/I]) Barnes planted editorials about political candidates who were regarded as pro-CIA.

In 1963, John McCone, the director of the CIA, discovered that Random House intended to publish Invisible Government by David Wise and Thomas Ross. McCone discovered that the book intended to look at his links with the Military Industrial Congress Complex. The authors also claimed that the CIA was having a major influence on American foreign policy. This included the overthrow of Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran (1953) and Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala (1954). The book also covered the role that the CIA played in the Bay of Pigs operation, the attempts to remove President Sukarno in Indonesia and the covert operations taking place in Laos and Vietnam.

John McCone called in Wise and Ross to demand deletions on the basis of galleys the CIA had secretly obtained from Random House. The authors refused to made these changes and Random House decided to go ahead and publish the book. The CIA considered buying up the entire printing of Invisible Government but this idea was rejected when Random House pointed out that if this happened they would have to print a second edition. McCone now formed a special group to deal with the book and tried to arrange for it to get bad reviews.






Invisible Government was published in 1964. It was the first full account of America's intelligence and espionage apparatus. In the book Wise and Ross argued that the "Invisible Government is made up of many agencies and people, including the intelligence branches of the State and Defense Departments, of the Army, Navy and Air Force". However, they claimed that the most important organization involved in this process was the CIA.

John McCone also attempted to stop Edward Yates from making a documentary on the CIA for the National Broadcasting Company (NBC). This attempt at censorship failed and NBC went ahead and broadcast this critical documentary.

In June, 1965, Desmond FitzGerald was appointed as head of the Directorate for Plans. He now took charge of Mockingbird. At the end of 1966 FitzGerald discovered that Ramparts, a left-wing publication, was planning to publish that the CIA had been secretly funding the National Student Association. FitzGerald ordered Edgar Applewhite to organize a campaign against the magazine. Applewhite later told Evan Thomas for his book, The Very Best Men: "I had all sorts of dirty tricks to hurt their circulation and financing. The people running Ramparts were vulnerable to blackmail. We had awful things in mind, some of which we carried off."

This dirty tricks campaign failed to stop Ramparts publishing this story in March, 1967. The article, written by Sol Stern, was entitled NSA and the CIA. As well as reporting CIA funding of the National Student Association it exposed the whole system of anti-Communist front organizations in Europe, Asia, and South America. It named Cord Meyer as a key figure in this campaign. This included the funding of the literary journal Encounter.

In May 1967 Thomas Braden responded to this by publishing an article entitled, I'm Glad the CIA is Immoral, in the Saturday Evening Post, where he defended the activities of the International Organizations Division unit of the CIA. Braden also confessed that the activities of the CIA had to be kept secret from Congress. As he pointed out in the article: "In the early 1950s, when the cold war was really hot, the idea that Congress would have approved many of our projects was about as likely as the John Birch Society's approving Medicare."

Meyer's role in Operation Mockingbird was further exposed in 1972 when he was accused of interfering with the publication of a book, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia by Alfred W. McCoy. The book was highly critical of the CIA's dealings with the drug traffic in Southeast Asia. The publisher, who leaked the story, had been a former colleague of Meyer's when he was a liberal activist after the war.





Further details of Operation Mockingbird was revealed as a result of the Frank Church investigations (Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities) in 1975. According to the Congress report published in 1976: "The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion through the use of covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a large number of newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies, radio and television stations, commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets." Church argued that the cost of misinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year.

Frank Church showed that it was CIA policy to use clandestine handling of journalists and authors to get information published initially in the foreign media in order to get it disseminated in the United States. Church quotes from one document written by the Chief of the Covert Action Staff on how this process worked (page 193). For example, he writes: “Get books published or distributed abroad without revealing any U.S. influence, by covertly subsidizing foreign publicans or booksellers.” Later in the document he writes: “Get books published for operational reasons, regardless of commercial viability”. Church goes onto report that “over a thousand books were produced, subsidized or sponsored by the CIA before the end of 1967”. All these books eventually found their way into the American market-place. Either in their original form (Church gives the example of the Penkovskiy Papers) or repackaged as articles for American newspapers and magazines.

In another document published in 1961 the Chief of the Agency’s propaganda unit wrote: “The advantage of our direct contact with the author is that we can acquaint him in great detail with our intentions; that we can provide him with whatever material we want him to include and that we can check the manuscript at every stage… (the Agency) must make sure the actual manuscript will correspond with our operational and propagandistic intention.”

Church quotes Thomas H. Karamessines as saying: “If you plant an article in some paper overseas, and it is a hard-hitting article, or a revelation, there is no way of guaranteeing that it is not going to be picked up and published by the Associated Press in this country” (page 198-).




By analyzing CIA documents Church was able to identify over 50 U.S. journalists who were employed directly by the Agency. He was aware that there were a lot more who enjoyed a very close relationship with the CIA who were “being paid regularly for their services, to those who receive only occasional gifts and reimbursements from the CIA” (page 195).

Church pointed out that this was probably only the tip of the iceberg because the CIA refused to “provide the names of its media agents or the names of media organizations with which they are connected” (page 195). Church was also aware that most of these payments were not documented. This was the main point of the Otis Pike Report. If these payments were not documented and accounted for, there must be a strong possibility of financial corruption taking place. This includes the large commercial contracts that the CIA was responsible for distributing. Pike’s report actually highlighted in 1976 what eventually emerged in the 1980s via the activities of CIA operatives such as Edwin Wilson, Thomas Clines, Ted Shackley, Raphael Quintero, Richard Secord and Felix Rodriguez.

Church also identified E. Howard Hunt as an important figure in Operation Mockingbird. He points out how Hunt arranged for books to be reviewed by certain writers in the national press. He gives the example of how Hunt arranged for a “CIA writer under contract” to write a hostile review of a Edgar Snow book in the New York Times (page 198-).

Church comes up with this conclusion to his examination of this issue: “In examining the CIA’s past and present use of the U.S. media, the Committee finds two reasons for concern. The first is the potential, inherent in covert media operations, for manipulating or incidentally misleading the American public. The second is the damage to the credibility and independence of a free press which may be caused by covert relationships with the U.S. journalists and media organizations.”

In February, 1976, George Bush, the recently appointed Director of the CIA announced a new policy: “Effective immediately, the CIA will not enter into any paid or contract relationship with any full-time or part-time news correspondent accredited by any U.S. news service, newspaper, periodical, radio or television network or station.” However, he added that the CIA would continue to “welcome” the voluntary, unpaid cooperation of journalists.

Carl Bernstein, who had worked with Bob Woodward in the investigation of Watergate, provided further information about Operation Mockingbird in an article in The Rolling Stone in October, 1977. Bernstein claimed that over a 25 year period over 400 American journalists secretly carried out assignments for the CIA: "Some of the journalists were Pulitzer Prize winners, distinguished reporters who considered themselves ambassadors-without-portfolio for their country. Most were less exalted: foreign correspondents who found that their association with the Agency helped their work; stringers and freelancers who were as interested it the derring-do of the spy business as in filing articles, and, the smallest category, full-time CIA employees masquerading as journalists abroad."
It is almost certain that Bernstein had encountered Operation Mockingbird while working on his Watergate investigation. For example, Deborah Davis Katharine the Great[/I]) has argued that Deep Throat was senior CIA official, Richard Ober, who was running Operation Chaos for Richard Nixon during this period.

According to researchers such as Steve Kangas, Angus Mackenzie and Alex Constantine, Operation Mockingbird was not closed down by the CIA in 1976. For example, in 1998 Kangas argued that CIA asset Richard Mellon Scaife ran "Forum World Features, a foreign news service used as a front to disseminate CIA propaganda around the world."





On 8th February, 1999, Kangas was found dead in the bathroom of the Pittsburgh offices of Richard Mellon Scaife. He had been shot in the head. Officially he had committed suicide but some people believe he was murdered. In an article in Salon Magazine, (19th March, 1999) Andrew Leonard asked: "Why did the police freport say the gun wound was to the left of his head, while the autopsy reported a wound on the roof of his mouth? Why had the hard drive on his computer been erased shortly after his death? Why had Scaife assigned his No. 1 private detective, Rex Armistead, to look into Kangas' past?


Wikipedia: Operation Mockingbird (entry written by John Simkin)
Time Search: Spartacus Educational

[ Bericht 0% gewijzigd door #ANONIEM op 24-01-2011 01:09:59 ]

quote:

Op zondag 30 januari 2011 19:23 schreef Gray het volgende:
Goede topickiller Jokkebrok. Misschien wat Nederlands er tussen, een samenvatting en een stelling?

Eens, maar het topic was toch al dood. Er wordt hier al een tijdje niet meer gereageerd

quote:

Een vraag ter verdiidelijking van het topic, vallen videogames onder massamedia? Zo zijn Assassins Creed 2: Brotherhood en Metal Gear Solid 4: Sons of the Patriots doorspekt met politieke statements en komen vele conspiracies aan bod beter onderbouwd dan menig topic hier. Zo gaat AC2:B vooral om Tempeliers en MGS4:SOP over de Amerikaanse wereldpolitiek en oorlogseconomie als verkapte NWO.

Uiteraard vallen de populaire games ook onder massamedia. Zo zijn de Amerikanen in games doorgaans de goeden en waar tegen gevochten wordt zijn de slechten. In dat opzicht is het natuurlijk ook gewoon propaganda. De war against terror heeft zijn weg min of meer ook al gevonden naar de gamesindustrie. De titels die jij noemt heb ik persoonlijk niet gespeeld.

quote:

Op zondag 30 januari 2011 19:23 schreef Gray het volgende:
Goede topickiller Jokkebrok. Misschien wat Nederlands er tussen, een samenvatting en een stelling?

Een vraag ter verdiidelijking van het topic, vallen videogames onder massamedia? Zo zijn Assassins Creed 2: Brotherhood en Metal Gear Solid 4: Sons of the Patriots doorspekt met politieke statements en komen vele conspiracies aan bod beter onderbouwd dan menig topic hier. Zo gaat AC2:B vooral om Tempeliers en MGS4:SOP over de Amerikaanse wereldpolitiek en oorlogseconomie als verkapte NWO.

Niet alleen AC2:B gaat over de Tempeliers, ook de andere delen van deze serie. Toffe games, ze laten je in ieder geval nadenken.

[ Bericht 0% gewijzigd door #ANONIEM op 30-01-2011 22:19:27 ]

quote:

Op zondag 30 januari 2011 22:49 schreef Gray het volgende:

[..]

Klopt. Geldt overigens ook voor de Metal Gear-reeks die al sinds de eerste versie (op de NES geloof ik) een verhaal vertelt waar ook in de laatste versie nog op teruggekomen wordt. Briljante spelreeksen, allebei.

Jep, alleen al vanwege de gameplay. Maar het verhaal zorgt er gewoon voor dat je over dingen na gaat denken, niet iedereen uiteraard.. Sommige mensen weten niks over de Tempeliers bijvoorbeeld en zien het gewoon als een mooi verhaal en weten niet dat er een kern van waarheid in zit, maar goed die houd je altijd.

En ik weet eigenlijk niet of dit propaganda is.. Nauurlijk, ze vertellen het vanuit een bepaald perspectief, maar dat is altijd en overal.

quote:

Op maandag 31 januari 2011 21:13 schreef meetthefokkers het volgende:

[..]

beeld van dichtbij

http://www.garagetv.be/vi(...)an_bloedt_dood_.aspx

Echt of nep? Ik zou het nog niet zeker weten.