NWS Nieuws & Achtergronden
Discussieer hier diepgaander over de actualiteiten.
Opnieuw doden bij bloedige aanslag op sjiitische moskee in Afghanistan
Bij zelfmoordaanslagen op een sjiitische moskee in de Afghaanse stad Kandahar zijn volgens plaatselijke meldingen zeker dertig mensen om het leven gekomen en tientallen mensen gewond geraakt. Het bloedblad zou zijn aangericht door twee terroristen die zich bij de ingang van de moskee opbliezen.
https://www.nu.nl/buitenl(...)-in-afghanistan.html
Islamitische Staat in de Provincie Khorasan (ISKP)
Bij zelfmoordaanslagen op een sjiitische moskee in de Afghaanse stad Kandahar zijn volgens plaatselijke meldingen zeker dertig mensen om het leven gekomen en tientallen mensen gewond geraakt. Het bloedblad zou zijn aangericht door twee terroristen die zich bij de ingang van de moskee opbliezen.
https://www.nu.nl/buitenl(...)-in-afghanistan.html
Islamitische Staat in de Provincie Khorasan (ISKP)
Wat is er nou zo leuk om elkaar jaar in jaar uit, uit temoorden? 
China bouwt razendsnel aan de toekomst met zijn bevolking, en de Afghanen leven nog zoals in de middeleeuwen met stammen, vijanden etc. zo kom je natuurlijk nooit verder in het leven.
China bouwt razendsnel aan de toekomst met zijn bevolking, en de Afghanen leven nog zoals in de middeleeuwen met stammen, vijanden etc. zo kom je natuurlijk nooit verder in het leven.
Naar aanleiding van jouw reacties, een beetje onderzoek gedaan naar Turkijequote:Op vrijdag 15 oktober 2021 15:07 schreef BMW1993 het volgende:
Wat is er nou zo leuk om elkaar jaar in jaar uit, uit temoorden?
China bouwt razendsnel aan de toekomst met zijn bevolking, en de Afghanen leven nog zoals in de middeleeuwen met stammen, vijanden etc. zo kom je natuurlijk nooit verder in het leven.
https://en.wikipedia.org/(...)ry_2016_Cizre_curfew
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2021_Konya_massacre
Islamitische Staat heeft de aanslag van vrijdagmiddag op een sjiitische moskee in Kandahar opgeëist. In een verklaring die de terreurorganisatie vrijdagavond laat verspreidde staat dat twee van haar aanhangers de bewakers van de moskee doodschoten en vervolgens zichzelf te midden van honderden gelovigen opbliezen.
https://www.nu.nl/buitenl(...)-in-afghanistan.html
https://www.nu.nl/buitenl(...)-in-afghanistan.html
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Faiz_Hameed
[ Bericht 3% gewijzigd door slashdotter3 op 18-10-2021 18:42:04 ]
[ Bericht 3% gewijzigd door slashdotter3 op 18-10-2021 18:42:04 ]
https://www.indiatoday.in(...)m-1866985-2021-10-20
Wie waren het alweer die hier beweerden dat taliban veranderd is en dat het geen terroristische organisatie is?
Denken jullie er nog steeds zo over?
Wie waren het alweer die hier beweerden dat taliban veranderd is en dat het geen terroristische organisatie is?
Denken jullie er nog steeds zo over?
De Indiase media is niet betrouwbaar als het gaat om de Taliban, Pakistan of China. Een andere bron graag. En als het klopt dan is het onderdeel van de interne ontwikkeling van Afghanistan.quote:
https://www.indiatoday.in(...)m-1866985-2021-10-20
Wie waren het alweer die hier beweerden dat taliban veranderd is en dat het geen terroristische organisatie is?
Denken jullie er nog steeds zo over?
Geen stroom meer in Kabul en omstreken, de hele stad is in duisternis en geen zicht op wanneer dit hersteld wordt.
Opvallend is dat niemand deze sabotage opeist. Taliban is het uiteraard niet. ISIS-K heeft het niet opgeeist, NRF ook niet. Zouden er nog andere partijen zijn die een stroomstoring in Kabul goed kunnen gebruiken?
===========
Edit: 2 weken geleden was er een tweet dat er onbekende waarschijnlijk Amerikaanse drones 24/7 boven Kabul rondvlogen. Verder niets meer over gehoord.
Kabul zit als hoofdstad vol met duizenden Taliban troepen en checkpoints op elke straathoek. Als je special forces in Kabul een missie wil laten doen dan is die totale duisternis best handig om die troepen te ontwijken en ook wel handig als je 2 weken lang alles in kaart hebt gebracht met je drones
[ Bericht 16% gewijzigd door slashdotter3 op 22-10-2021 19:48:48 ]
Opvallend is dat niemand deze sabotage opeist. Taliban is het uiteraard niet. ISIS-K heeft het niet opgeeist, NRF ook niet. Zouden er nog andere partijen zijn die een stroomstoring in Kabul goed kunnen gebruiken?
===========
Edit: 2 weken geleden was er een tweet dat er onbekende waarschijnlijk Amerikaanse drones 24/7 boven Kabul rondvlogen. Verder niets meer over gehoord.
Kabul zit als hoofdstad vol met duizenden Taliban troepen en checkpoints op elke straathoek. Als je special forces in Kabul een missie wil laten doen dan is die totale duisternis best handig om die troepen te ontwijken en ook wel handig als je 2 weken lang alles in kaart hebt gebracht met je drones
[ Bericht 16% gewijzigd door slashdotter3 op 22-10-2021 19:48:48 ]
Elektriciteit is een uitvinding van de de duivel.quote:
Geen stroom meer in Kabul en omstreken, de hele stad is savonds in duisternis en geen zicht op wanneer dit hersteld gaat worden.
Opvallend is dat niemand deze sabotage opeist. Taliban is het uiteraard niet. ISIS-K heeft het niet opgeeist, NRF ook niet. Zouden er nog andere partijen zijn die een stroomstoring in Kabul goed kunnen gebruiken?
[ twitter ]
[ twitter ]
[ twitter ]
Vóór het internet dacht men dat de oorzaak van domheid een gebrek aan toegang tot informatie was. Inmiddels weten we beter.
Hoe kunnen arme Afghaanse boeren dat waarnemen zonder radar en in het holst van de nacht? Verder een zeer extreme schending van Afghaanse soevereiniteit als het klopt. Het Amerikaanse imperialisme is om schijtziek van te worden.quote:
Schijtziek worden van Amerikaans imperialisme, maar het imperialisme van China de zuid Chinese zee wel goed vinden. Dat is niet consequent.quote:Op dinsdag 26 oktober 2021 01:22 schreef Peppert het volgende:
[..]
Hoe kunnen arme Afghaanse boeren dat waarnemen zonder radar en in het holst van de nacht? Verder een zeer extreme schending van Afghaanse soevereiniteit als het klopt. Het Amerikaanse imperialisme is om schijtziek van te worden.
Verder was Afghanistan even enkele jaren redelijk stabiel waarbij tenminste mensenrechten en de positie van vrouwen, en rechtspraak redelijk gewaarborgd waren. Onder de Taliban zijn deze rechten per direct afgebroken.
Daders kwamen uit haar schoonfamilie i.p.v. taliban.quote:
https://www.indiatoday.in(...)m-1866985-2021-10-20
Wie waren het alweer die hier beweerden dat taliban veranderd is en dat het geen terroristische organisatie is?
Denken jullie er nog steeds zo over?
Fascinerend hoe elke week die kaart verder verkleurd en er overal verzet tegen de Taliban uitbreekt.
[ Bericht 3% gewijzigd door slashdotter3 op 26-10-2021 22:33:25 ]
[ Bericht 3% gewijzigd door slashdotter3 op 26-10-2021 22:33:25 ]
Je gaat een marginale zee waar 5-20 spelers varen en claims maken vergelijken met het schenden van de soevereiniteit van een land door zonder toestemming zeer vernietigende bommenwerpers over de luchtruim te laten vliegen. Als de verhalen kloppen want nog geen steeds geen uitleg hoe boeren dat kunnen zien zonder radar en in het holst van de nacht. Men vindt dat normaal in andere delen van de wereld. Absoluut een vorm van exceptionalisme en dubbele standaarden, beste kerel. De Afghanen willen door het leven kunnen gaan zonder dat een oude Iers-Amerikaanse man even groen licht kan geven om ze met een knop van de aardbodem te vegen. Walgelijk, absoluut walgelijk.quote:
[..]
Schijtziek worden van Amerikaans imperialisme, maar het imperialisme van China de zuid Chinese zee wel goed vinden. Dat is niet consequent.
Verder was Afghanistan even enkele jaren redelijk stabiel waarbij tenminste mensenrechten en de positie van vrouwen, en rechtspraak redelijk gewaarborgd waren. Onder de Taliban zijn deze rechten per direct afgebroken.
SPOILEROm spoilers te kunnen lezen moet je zijn ingelogd. Je moet je daarvoor eerst gratis Registreren. Ook kun je spoilers niet lezen als je een ban hebt.
[ Bericht 6% gewijzigd door Peppert op 26-10-2021 20:26:41 ]
Het gaat vluchtelingen opleveren. Het doet mij echt heel zwaar denken aan Maoistisch China in de jaren 50 en 60 en Vietcong in de late jaren 70 en jaren 80. Ook zeer wijdverspreide extreme armoede en honger. Rebellengroepen die de macht grijpen en dan een land gaan runnen. Laten we hopen dat de Afghanen een weg vinden uit hun noodlijdende situatie. De Amerikanen hebben ook 9 miljard dollar Afghaans geld die ze zouden kunnen gebruiken om hulpgoederen te importeren geblokkeerd. In Yemen hebben de Amerikanen, Britten en Saudiers een heel zwaar hand omdat ze de Iraanse invloed via de Houthis letterlijk kort en klein aan het slaan zijn.quote:
[ Bericht 5% gewijzigd door Peppert op 26-10-2021 20:56:40 ]
In Andarab (provincie noordwest van Panjshir) heeft de Taliban een heel squad van suicide bombers gestationeerd.
Rare glitterjurk heeft ie aan.
[ Bericht 1% gewijzigd door slashdotter3 op 26-10-2021 22:56:45 ]
Rare glitterjurk heeft ie aan.
[ Bericht 1% gewijzigd door slashdotter3 op 26-10-2021 22:56:45 ]
Dus naast Kabul (grootste stad) en Kandahar (2e stad) vliegt er nu ook boven Herat (3e stad) militaire drones van de VS. De Amerikanen zijn duidelijk wat van plan.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kabul
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kandahar
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herat
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kabul
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kandahar
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herat
https://www.nytimes.com/2(...)ban-afghanistan.html
============================================================
Iran Wanted U.S. Out of Afghanistan. It May Be Sorry the Wish Came True.
============================================================
Iran is glad the Americans are gone, but the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan creates a host of problems for Tehran, with no easy solutions.
For 20 years, Iranian officials have said they wanted the U.S. military out of Afghanistan. Iran supplied Afghan insurgents with weapons to use against American soldiers. It sheltered Al Qaeda’s top leaders in Tehran. It courted the Taliban with diplomatic visits, covertly and then publicly.
But when the United States finally left Afghanistan in August, the swift Taliban takeover caught Iran off guard.
Suddenly, Iran, a Shiite Muslim theocracy, had a militant Sunni theocracy on its border that is widely seen as anti-Shiite. The upheaval has also sent a flood of Afghan refugees into Iran, has led to fears that Afghanistan will again become an incubator for terrorism, and has trapped Iranian leaders in a diplomatic tangle in dealing with a Taliban government seen as both a potential enemy and partner.
The episode has turned into a classic lesson in “be careful what you wish for.”
“Iran has come to understand that the enemy’s enemy is not your friend, and the Taliban are a more complex problem than Americans,” said Mohammad Hossein Emadi, a former Iranian diplomat who advised Afghanistan’s government and worked in the country for the United Nations. “The consensus is to deal with the Taliban very carefully and pragmatically.”
Iran’s biggest concern, officials said, is the resurgence of the Afghan branch of the Islamic State, which has carried out large-scale attacks against Shiites in Afghanistan and could use Afghanistan as a base to launch terrorist attacks in Iran.
The Taliban, despite their promises to provide security and stability, have so far proven unwilling or unable to prevent ISIS attacks on Shiites in Afghanistan.
Iranian officials are also concerned about the fate of two minority ethnic groups, the Hazara, who are Shiite Muslim, and the Tajiks, who have close cultural ties to Iran.
The Taliban eliminated the informal power-sharing arrangement that encouraged representation for those groups in the government, and they have been accused of carrying out extrajudicial killings and forced displacements of members of both groups. The Taliban have denied these accusations.
The Taliban takeover has also sent a new wave of refugees into Iran, adding to the more than two million Afghans who fled to Iran during previous times of upheaval. Their arrival has stretched Iran’s resources at a time when the country’s economy has been battered by the coronavirus pandemic and international financial sanctions.
But any Iranian response to the new situation in Afghanistan has potential costs.
Recognizing the Taliban could set off a backlash at home among Iranians who see the Taliban as a terrorist group and tarnish Iran’s branding of itself as a protector of Shiites in the Muslim world.
Rejecting the Taliban, on the other hand, could undo the gains of Iran’s careful courtship of the group over the years, and quickly turn a tenuous relationship hostile. Iranian officials fear getting dragged into a protracted conflict it neither wants nor could afford.
For now, Iranian officials say they are taking a middle-of-the-road approach.
Officials have acknowledged the Taliban are a reality but stopped short of recognizing them as Afghanistan’s legitimate government. They have also expressed concern about the safety of resistance leaders such as Ahmad Massoud, who leads an anti-Taliban militia with historical ties to Iran in the Panjshir Valley in Afghanistan, although they have not publicly endorsed his cause, and diplomats and analysts said they had seen no sign that Iran was supporting it financially or militarily.
“We are in contact with all sides and advise them all to implement the idea of an inclusive government,” Foreign Minister Hossein Amir Abdullahian said in an interview. “Afghanistan is facing many different challenges. The existence of ISIS in Afghanistan that has the experience of guerrilla warfare in Syria is a real threat.”
Iran sent fighters and commanders to Syria in 2011 and Iraq in 2014 to fight ISIS, but even if Iran offered, the Taliban are unlikely to welcome Iranian forces the way Iraq did.
Iran has had at least two diplomatic meetings with the Taliban since the group seized power, including a meeting with the Taliban foreign minister on Saturday.
Iran has laid out three main demands of the Taliban, according to Iranian diplomats, officials and experts. They include securing Iran’s borders from terrorist infiltration, preventing the Islamic State from gaining ground in Afghanistan, and protecting the rights and security of Shiite minorities.
In addition, Iran has asked the Taliban to help curb drug lords from using Iran as a corridor to transport Afghan opium to Europe, to keep open commerce and currency exchange with Iran, and to refrain from creating social and economic conditions that would send more Afghans across Iran’s borders, Kamal Kharazi, the former foreign minister and current head of Iran’s powerful Strategic Council on Foreign Relations, told Iranian news media last week.
“Our strategy in Afghanistan completely depends on the Taliban’s behavior,” Mr. Kharazi said. “The Islamic Republic of Iran does not want to meddle in Afghanistan’s affairs but naturally we have legitimate interests that must be guaranteed.”
Iran and Afghanistan share deep cultural and historical ties that date back centuries. One of Afghanistan’s two official languages, Dari, is a dialect of Persian, and the two countries share many traditions, including celebrating the Nowruz new year holiday in the spring.
Iran’s border with Afghanistan stretches 572 miles with two crossings vital to trade and commerce. Iran’s exports to Afghanistan total an estimated $7 billion annually, and the country has relied on Afghanistan’s currency market to acquire hard currency in circumvention of international banking sanctions.
Public opinion in Iran is decidedly against the Taliban and critical of the government’s outreach to the group.
Many liberal Iranians identify with the suffering of Afghans under a theocracy, similar to their own lives under the rule of Islamic Republic. The Taliban’s attacks on the rights of women and girls, from requiring head scarves to a ban on singing and sports, and its crackdowns on independent journalists and activists, remind many Iranians of their own struggles with the authorities in Iran.
But conservatives and members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps have also attacked the government for not supporting the Afghan resistance.
“Why is Iran jumping into the arms of the Taliban?” Muhammad Hossein Jaffarian, a former Iranian official who fought with the mujahedeen in Afghanistan, asked in a talk on Clubhouse, the social networking app. “You must not put all your eggs in one basket.”
Iran and Afghanistan’s political relationship has ebbed and flowed over the decades, depending on who held power in Afghanistan. In the 1980s, Iran backed the mujahedeen militia fighting Russian occupation and the Sunni militant Haqqani faction, now a part of the Taliban. In the late 1990s, Iran and the Taliban nearly went to war over the Taliban’s killing of 10 Iranian diplomats and a journalist in Mazar-i-Sharif.
In 2001, Iran sided with the United States in its invasion of Afghanistan, supplying military intelligence and security cooperation, and later was instrumental in establishing the first post-Taliban government, led by Hamid Karzai.
But after President George W. Bush included Iran in his infamous “axis of evil” speech in 2002 and later established American military bases in Iraq, Iran’s neighbor to the west, the calculus in Tehran shifted. Iran began reaching out to the Taliban with the goal of chasing the United States out of the country.
Vali R. Nasr, a senior adviser to the Obama administration on Afghanistan and Pakistan, said Iran began to panic when the Trump administration started peace talks with the Taliban. Iranian officials criticized the Trump administration for not demanding enough political concessions from the Taliban in talks in Doha, Qatar, resulting in “an American and Pashtun deal” rather than one benefiting all Afghans, Mr. Nasr said.
“Iranians are masters of leverage,” Mr. Nasr said. “They knew once Doha was signed there was no stopping the Taliban. The policy is right now to avoid the worst in Afghanistan and find what to pursue in the mess that America has left them.”
============================================================
Iran Wanted U.S. Out of Afghanistan. It May Be Sorry the Wish Came True.
============================================================
Iran is glad the Americans are gone, but the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan creates a host of problems for Tehran, with no easy solutions.
For 20 years, Iranian officials have said they wanted the U.S. military out of Afghanistan. Iran supplied Afghan insurgents with weapons to use against American soldiers. It sheltered Al Qaeda’s top leaders in Tehran. It courted the Taliban with diplomatic visits, covertly and then publicly.
But when the United States finally left Afghanistan in August, the swift Taliban takeover caught Iran off guard.
Suddenly, Iran, a Shiite Muslim theocracy, had a militant Sunni theocracy on its border that is widely seen as anti-Shiite. The upheaval has also sent a flood of Afghan refugees into Iran, has led to fears that Afghanistan will again become an incubator for terrorism, and has trapped Iranian leaders in a diplomatic tangle in dealing with a Taliban government seen as both a potential enemy and partner.
The episode has turned into a classic lesson in “be careful what you wish for.”
“Iran has come to understand that the enemy’s enemy is not your friend, and the Taliban are a more complex problem than Americans,” said Mohammad Hossein Emadi, a former Iranian diplomat who advised Afghanistan’s government and worked in the country for the United Nations. “The consensus is to deal with the Taliban very carefully and pragmatically.”
Iran’s biggest concern, officials said, is the resurgence of the Afghan branch of the Islamic State, which has carried out large-scale attacks against Shiites in Afghanistan and could use Afghanistan as a base to launch terrorist attacks in Iran.
The Taliban, despite their promises to provide security and stability, have so far proven unwilling or unable to prevent ISIS attacks on Shiites in Afghanistan.
Iranian officials are also concerned about the fate of two minority ethnic groups, the Hazara, who are Shiite Muslim, and the Tajiks, who have close cultural ties to Iran.
The Taliban eliminated the informal power-sharing arrangement that encouraged representation for those groups in the government, and they have been accused of carrying out extrajudicial killings and forced displacements of members of both groups. The Taliban have denied these accusations.
The Taliban takeover has also sent a new wave of refugees into Iran, adding to the more than two million Afghans who fled to Iran during previous times of upheaval. Their arrival has stretched Iran’s resources at a time when the country’s economy has been battered by the coronavirus pandemic and international financial sanctions.
But any Iranian response to the new situation in Afghanistan has potential costs.
Recognizing the Taliban could set off a backlash at home among Iranians who see the Taliban as a terrorist group and tarnish Iran’s branding of itself as a protector of Shiites in the Muslim world.
Rejecting the Taliban, on the other hand, could undo the gains of Iran’s careful courtship of the group over the years, and quickly turn a tenuous relationship hostile. Iranian officials fear getting dragged into a protracted conflict it neither wants nor could afford.
For now, Iranian officials say they are taking a middle-of-the-road approach.
Officials have acknowledged the Taliban are a reality but stopped short of recognizing them as Afghanistan’s legitimate government. They have also expressed concern about the safety of resistance leaders such as Ahmad Massoud, who leads an anti-Taliban militia with historical ties to Iran in the Panjshir Valley in Afghanistan, although they have not publicly endorsed his cause, and diplomats and analysts said they had seen no sign that Iran was supporting it financially or militarily.
“We are in contact with all sides and advise them all to implement the idea of an inclusive government,” Foreign Minister Hossein Amir Abdullahian said in an interview. “Afghanistan is facing many different challenges. The existence of ISIS in Afghanistan that has the experience of guerrilla warfare in Syria is a real threat.”
Iran sent fighters and commanders to Syria in 2011 and Iraq in 2014 to fight ISIS, but even if Iran offered, the Taliban are unlikely to welcome Iranian forces the way Iraq did.
Iran has had at least two diplomatic meetings with the Taliban since the group seized power, including a meeting with the Taliban foreign minister on Saturday.
Iran has laid out three main demands of the Taliban, according to Iranian diplomats, officials and experts. They include securing Iran’s borders from terrorist infiltration, preventing the Islamic State from gaining ground in Afghanistan, and protecting the rights and security of Shiite minorities.
In addition, Iran has asked the Taliban to help curb drug lords from using Iran as a corridor to transport Afghan opium to Europe, to keep open commerce and currency exchange with Iran, and to refrain from creating social and economic conditions that would send more Afghans across Iran’s borders, Kamal Kharazi, the former foreign minister and current head of Iran’s powerful Strategic Council on Foreign Relations, told Iranian news media last week.
“Our strategy in Afghanistan completely depends on the Taliban’s behavior,” Mr. Kharazi said. “The Islamic Republic of Iran does not want to meddle in Afghanistan’s affairs but naturally we have legitimate interests that must be guaranteed.”
Iran and Afghanistan share deep cultural and historical ties that date back centuries. One of Afghanistan’s two official languages, Dari, is a dialect of Persian, and the two countries share many traditions, including celebrating the Nowruz new year holiday in the spring.
Iran’s border with Afghanistan stretches 572 miles with two crossings vital to trade and commerce. Iran’s exports to Afghanistan total an estimated $7 billion annually, and the country has relied on Afghanistan’s currency market to acquire hard currency in circumvention of international banking sanctions.
Public opinion in Iran is decidedly against the Taliban and critical of the government’s outreach to the group.
Many liberal Iranians identify with the suffering of Afghans under a theocracy, similar to their own lives under the rule of Islamic Republic. The Taliban’s attacks on the rights of women and girls, from requiring head scarves to a ban on singing and sports, and its crackdowns on independent journalists and activists, remind many Iranians of their own struggles with the authorities in Iran.
But conservatives and members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps have also attacked the government for not supporting the Afghan resistance.
“Why is Iran jumping into the arms of the Taliban?” Muhammad Hossein Jaffarian, a former Iranian official who fought with the mujahedeen in Afghanistan, asked in a talk on Clubhouse, the social networking app. “You must not put all your eggs in one basket.”
Iran and Afghanistan’s political relationship has ebbed and flowed over the decades, depending on who held power in Afghanistan. In the 1980s, Iran backed the mujahedeen militia fighting Russian occupation and the Sunni militant Haqqani faction, now a part of the Taliban. In the late 1990s, Iran and the Taliban nearly went to war over the Taliban’s killing of 10 Iranian diplomats and a journalist in Mazar-i-Sharif.
In 2001, Iran sided with the United States in its invasion of Afghanistan, supplying military intelligence and security cooperation, and later was instrumental in establishing the first post-Taliban government, led by Hamid Karzai.
But after President George W. Bush included Iran in his infamous “axis of evil” speech in 2002 and later established American military bases in Iraq, Iran’s neighbor to the west, the calculus in Tehran shifted. Iran began reaching out to the Taliban with the goal of chasing the United States out of the country.
Vali R. Nasr, a senior adviser to the Obama administration on Afghanistan and Pakistan, said Iran began to panic when the Trump administration started peace talks with the Taliban. Iranian officials criticized the Trump administration for not demanding enough political concessions from the Taliban in talks in Doha, Qatar, resulting in “an American and Pashtun deal” rather than one benefiting all Afghans, Mr. Nasr said.
“Iranians are masters of leverage,” Mr. Nasr said. “They knew once Doha was signed there was no stopping the Taliban. The policy is right now to avoid the worst in Afghanistan and find what to pursue in the mess that America has left them.”
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