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pi_183517168
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quote:
Vladi Daddy :D
Ik heb Hem niet uit vrees voor de hel noch uit liefde voor het paradijs gediend, want dan zou ik als de slechte huurling zijn geweest; ik heb hem veeleer gediend in liefde tot Hem en in verlangen naar Hem.
pi_183547518
Ik heb Hem niet uit vrees voor de hel noch uit liefde voor het paradijs gediend, want dan zou ik als de slechte huurling zijn geweest; ik heb hem veeleer gediend in liefde tot Hem en in verlangen naar Hem.
pi_183623010
een fascinerend reportage over hoe de saudisch gebruik maakten van de onervarenheid van jared kushner, om hun eigen agenda te promoten oa. door zichzelf bij kushner te promoten als een bastion tegen "islamic extremisim" _O-

het verklaart ook deels waarom de amerikanen zo invested zijn in saudi en met name MBS, die zij hebben gesteund in de strijd om het verkrijgen van de kroonprins status.

The Wooing of Jared Kushner: How the Saudis Got a Friend in the White House

Senior American officials were worried. Since the early months of the Trump administration, Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law and Middle East adviser, had been having private, informal conversations with Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the favorite son of Saudi Arabia’s king.

Given Mr. Kushner’s political inexperience, the private exchanges could make him susceptible to Saudi manipulation, said three former senior American officials. In an effort to tighten practices at the White House, a new chief of staff tried to reimpose longstanding procedures stipulating that National Security Council staff members should participate in all calls with foreign leaders.

But even with the restrictions in place, Mr. Kushner, 37, and Prince Mohammed, 33, kept chatting, according to three former White House officials and two others briefed by the Saudi royal court. In fact, they said, the two men were on a first-name basis, calling each other Jared and Mohammed in text messages and phone calls.

The exchanges continued even after the Oct. 2 killing of Jamal Khashoggi, the Saudi journalist who was ambushed and dismembered by Saudi agents, according to two former senior American officials and the two people briefed by the Saudis.

As the killing set off a firestorm around the world and American intelligence agencies concluded that it was ordered by Prince Mohammed, Mr. Kushner became the prince’s most important defender inside the White House, people familiar with its internal deliberations say.

Mr. Kushner’s support for Prince Mohammed in the moment of crisis is a striking demonstration of a singular bond that has helped draw President Trump into an embrace of Saudi Arabia as one of his most important international allies.
Ik heb Hem niet uit vrees voor de hel noch uit liefde voor het paradijs gediend, want dan zou ik als de slechte huurling zijn geweest; ik heb hem veeleer gediend in liefde tot Hem en in verlangen naar Hem.
pi_183624390
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dit is eigenlijk voor het eerst dat een motief voor de moord zo gedetaileerd wordt beschreven

"This is a ghastly murder story, but as in any complicated case, we look for clues about how and why the killing took place. This killer’s motive was control of information."


How a chilling Saudi cyberwar ensnared Jamal Khashoggi

Khashoggi, as one of Saudi Arabia’s best-known journalists and leading “influencers,” was inexorably drawn into this conflict. As Qahtani beamed up his “army of flies” to combat Qatar on Twitter, Khashoggi’s friends wanted to create an alternative media presence.

Omar Abdulaziz, a young Saudi dissident living in Canada, encouraged Khashoggi in June and July of this year to help recruit a rival army of “electronic bees” to neutralize the Saudi online onslaught, according to a lawsuit filed in Tel Aviv last Sunday.

Khashoggi and Abdulaziz didn’t realize that the Saudis were able to spy on their messages, thanks to Israeli-supplied Pegasus surveillance tools, according to the lawsuit. The complaint alleges that two of Abdulaziz’s brothers were arrested in Saudi Arabia late last summer; one of the imprisoned brothers, pressured by his captors, “begged [Abdulaziz] to stop his work on political activities in which he was involved,” the suit contends. The Pegasus surveillance gave the Saudis information that “contributed in a significant manner to the decision to murder . . . Khashoggi,” the suit alleges.
.....
For Qahtani, the anti-Khashoggi campaign was personal. A Saudi official told me that Qahtani felt that he had let down his boss, MBS, by allowing Khashoggi to leave Saudi Arabia in 2017. When Khashoggi fled to the United States later that year and began writing columns for The Post that were critical of Saudi Arabia, Qahtani viewed him as a renegade enemy in the information domain he sought to control.

Just before Khashoggi began writing for The Post, some Saudi officials offered him a column in the pro-Saudi newspaper Al-Hayat, according to two Saudi officials who were briefed on the proposal. But Khashoggi soon began his Post columns, augmenting his voice in social media. The Saudis tried to squeeze him by preventing his son Salah from traveling outside the kingdom, which deeply upset Khashoggi, but he didn’t temper his writing or his independence.

Last July, according to a U.S. official, Qahtani had convinced MBS that Khashoggi was a threat to the kingdom’s attempts to control information, and the crown prince sent a message that month ordering that the renegade journalist be brought back to the kingdom, by force if necessary. The message wasn’t understood by U.S. officials until too late.

Ik heb Hem niet uit vrees voor de hel noch uit liefde voor het paradijs gediend, want dan zou ik als de slechte huurling zijn geweest; ik heb hem veeleer gediend in liefde tot Hem en in verlangen naar Hem.
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