NWS Nieuws & Achtergronden
Discussieer hier diepgaander over de actualiteiten.
Barzani maakt hier een grote fout.quote:Op dinsdag 7 april 2015 07:19 schreef reza1 het volgende:
twitter:AzosLRashid twitterde op maandag 06-04-2015 om 20:38:16 Arrest Ezidi commander Hayder Shesho, but provide save heaven for wanted Ba'athest sympathiser Tariq Hashimi #KDPLogic reageer retweet
Arrest Ezidi commander Hayder Shesho, but provide save heaven for wanted Ba'athest sympathiser Tariq Hashimi De hele Duitse media spreekt er al over:
Kurden nehmen deutschen Jesiden-Kommandeur fest
Vian Dakhil zal de KDP wel een veeg uit de pan geven.twitter:SPIEGELONLINE twitterde op dinsdag 07-04-2015 om 10:43:04 Kurdische Sicherheitskräfte haben den deutschen Jesiden-Kommandeur Haydar #Shesho festgenommen http://t.co/EVamurbkr6 reageer retweet
Kurdische Sicherheitskräfte haben den deutschen Jesiden-Kommandeur Haydar
Say what?
Inderdaad. HRW neemt dit natuurlijk allemaal gelijk aanquote:
Weten we ook waar die spookverhalen van die ratten vorige week vandaan kwamen.
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@EjmAlrai: #BreakingNews:
#ISF announced the beginning of the liberation of #Anbar province under the name "Battle of the Great Anbar" against #ISIS.
#ISF announced the beginning of the liberation of #Anbar province under the name "Battle of the Great Anbar" against #ISIS.
@EjmAlrai: 7 villages and locations in East #Anbar were retaken from #ISIS following fierce battle today (still ongoing). #Iraq.
@EjmAlrai: The area of Sajariya East of #Ramadi is a real battle field NOW and al-Karma is under heavy clashes with #ISIS. #Iraq.
@EjmAlrai: #BreakingNews:
PM Haidar al-Abadi arrived to al-Habbaniya to overseen the military operation in #Anbar #Iraq.
@EjmAlrai: Hasd al-Sha'bi and Sunni #Anbar tribes are participating to the "great Anbar operation", along with the Federal police and #ISF. #Iraq.
@EjmAlrai: The main #Iraq/i Sunni tribes taking part of the #Anbar operation are the Albu Ghanem and Albu Fahed, against #ISIS.
@EjmAlrai: #Iraq Air Force is taking part of the operation, bombing #ISIS positions in #Anbar. Sajariyah is a vital area, linking #Baghdad w / #Ramadi
@EjmAlrai: #BreakingNews:
PM Haidar al-Abadi office announced tt all Hash al-Sha'bi will from today onward, be directly under his office' command.#Iraq
@EjmAlrai: The area of Sajariya East of #Ramadi is a real battle field NOW and al-Karma is under heavy clashes with #ISIS. #Iraq.
@EjmAlrai: #BreakingNews:
PM Haidar al-Abadi arrived to al-Habbaniya to overseen the military operation in #Anbar #Iraq.
@EjmAlrai: Hasd al-Sha'bi and Sunni #Anbar tribes are participating to the "great Anbar operation", along with the Federal police and #ISF. #Iraq.
@EjmAlrai: The main #Iraq/i Sunni tribes taking part of the #Anbar operation are the Albu Ghanem and Albu Fahed, against #ISIS.
@EjmAlrai: #Iraq Air Force is taking part of the operation, bombing #ISIS positions in #Anbar. Sajariyah is a vital area, linking #Baghdad w / #Ramadi
@EjmAlrai: #BreakingNews:
PM Haidar al-Abadi office announced tt all Hash al-Sha'bi will from today onward, be directly under his office' command.#Iraq
Wat ik me afvraag bij het zien van de kaart op Wiki... Waarom jagen de Koerden de Syriërs weg in het gebied rond Qamishli (noord-oosten van Syrië)?
Klikbaar:
Klikbaar:
Dat gebied is veroverd door Koerden en valt onder de Kanton. Er zijn geen Syriers verjaagd alleen isis.quote:
Wat ik me afvraag bij het zien van de kaart op Wiki... Waarom jagen de Koerden de Syriërs weg in het gebied rond Qamishli (noord-oosten van Syrië)?
Klikbaar:
[ afbeelding ]
Kanton?quote:Op woensdag 8 april 2015 16:03 schreef Djibril het volgende:
[..]
Dat gebied is veroverd door Koerden en valt onder de Kanton. Er zijn geen Syriers verjaagd alleen isis.
Laat ik het zo zeggen/vragen:
Volgens Wiki is rood Controlled by Syrian Government forces, en geel Controlled by Syrian Kurdistan forces.
Waarom nemen de Koerden dat gebied niet onder controle?
[ Bericht 2% gewijzigd door #ANONIEM op 08-04-2015 16:12:45 ]
Omdat de Koerden niet over luchtafweer beschikken en als ze die laatste rode plekken aanvallen assad met barrelbommen gaat strooien op Koerdische steden.quote:
[..]
Kanton?
Laat ik het zo zeggen/vragen:
Volgens Wiki is rood Controlled by Syrian Government forces, en geel Controlled by Syrian Kurdistan forces.
Waarom nemen de Koerden dat gebied niet onder controle?
Dus denken ze laat assad die vliegveld van Qamishlo en baathwijken maar hebben, de rest is van ons en wij controleren het gebied.
Assad heeft genoeg problemen die uiteindelijk hem zijn kop zullen kosten. Dan wordt dat rode gebied overlopen door de Koerden wanneer assad is gevallen.
Ah, duidelijk. Thanks.quote:
[..]
Omdat de Koerden niet over luchtafweer beschikken en als ze die laatste rode plekken aanvallen assad met barrelbommen gaat strooien op Koerdische steden.
Dus denken ze laat assad die vliegveld van Qamishlo en baathwijken maar hebben, de rest is van ons en wij controleren het gebied.
Assad heeft genoeg problemen die uiteindelijk hem zijn kop zullen kosten. Dan wordt dat rode gebied overlopen door de Koerden wanneer assad is gevallen.
De YPG heeft een non-agressiepact met de Syrische regering, net zoals ze dat met de FSA hebben. Ze wedden nog een beetje op twee paarden.
Goed nieuws voor een aantal yezidi's vandaag:
Goed nieuws voor een aantal yezidi's vandaag:
twitter:EzidiPress twitterde op woensdag 08-04-2015 om 15:51:55 Islamic State releases more than 200 captive Yazidis in Iraqhttp://t.co/Dj4USIyENg#Ezidis #Shingal #Sinjar #Iraq #Yezidis reageer retweet
Islamic State releases more than 200 captive Yazidis in Iraq
Say what?
Verder gedraagt de Barzani-clan zich ronduit fascistisch.
Eerst laten ze de yezidi's in Sinjar aan hun lot over en vervolgens arresteren ze ook nog de commandant van hun eigen opgerichte verdedigingseenheid.twitter:EzidiPress twitterde op woensdag 08-04-2015 om 19:36:03 Masud Barzani: No independent Ezidi unit, no Ezidi flag will be acceptedhttp://t.co/JjWsAj8OrR#TwitterKurds #Ezidi #HeydarShesho #Shingal reageer retweet
twitter:EzidiPress twitterde op woensdag 08-04-2015 om 19:28:08 Family of #HeydarShesho on phone to ÊP: "He is still detained because he does not want to meet the demands of the KRG President"#Ezidi reageer retweet
Say what?
Hebben ze niks beters te doen dan jezidi's lastigvallen?
Lekker zuipen, lekker dansen en daarna lekker neuken.
@EzidiPress: Salih Muslim int. with ÊP in Moskau: "The arrest of #HeydarShesho is a big mistake & should be corrected immediately" http://t.co/YiC81r9vby
standpunt van de krg behgrijp ik wel, de staat kan niet de monopolie op het gebruik van geweld uit handen geven.quote:
Verder gedraagt de Barzani-clan zich ronduit fascistisch.Eerst laten ze de yezidi's in Sinjar aan hun lot over en vervolgens arresteren ze ook nog de commandant van hun eigen opgerichte verdedigingseenheid.twitter:EzidiPress twitterde op woensdag 08-04-2015 om 19:36:03 Masud Barzani: No independent Ezidi unit, no Ezidi flag will be acceptedhttp://t.co/JjWsAj8OrR#TwitterKurds #Ezidi #HeydarShesho #Shingal reageer retweettwitter:EzidiPress twitterde op woensdag 08-04-2015 om 19:28:08 Family of #HeydarShesho on phone to ÊP: "He is still detained because he does not want to meet the demands of the KRG President"#Ezidi reageer retweet
aan de andere kant brengt deze monopolie van geweld wel de verantwoordelijkheid met zich mee dat de overheid zijn onderdanen dient te beschermen, als dat niet gebeurt, loop je dit soort risico's dat de burgers dus het heft in eigen handen nemen en net als in dit geval hun eigen milities vormen.
hopelijk kunnen ze zsm onderling uit de patstelling komen om verder te gaan met het aanpakken van isis
Ik heb Hem niet uit vrees voor de hel noch uit liefde voor het paradijs gediend, want dan zou ik als de slechte huurling zijn geweest; ik heb hem veeleer gediend in liefde tot Hem en in verlangen naar Hem.
-Rabia Al-Basri
-Rabia Al-Basri
quote:After Minority Rule, Iraq’s Sunnis Refuse Minority Role
BAGHDAD—Ask anyone in Baghdad’s Sunni Muslim neighborhood of Aadhamiye about life under Iraq’s Shiite majority, and you’re likely to get a puzzled reply: “What Shiite majority?”
“Sunni Arabs aren’t few. We are at least half the population of Iraq,” said Fares Ali Karim, a 55-year-old who runs a travel agency near the Aadhamiye mosque, where Saddam Hussein made his last public appearance as president in 2003.
That is a common refrain, heard from ordinary Sunnis and the community’s most senior politicians alike. And that is what really makes the Iraqi crisis—which spawned the Sunni militant group Islamic State, with all its atrocities—so intractable.
A minority that dominated or ruled Iraq for centuries until the U.S. invasion brought Shiites to power 12 years ago, Iraq’s Sunni Arabs aren’t just refusing to accept their loss of status. They also, by and large, reject the basic demographic reality on which any feasible power-sharing deal could be built.
Such a deal is indispensable to eradicate Islamic State, also known as ISIS. The group seized most of Iraq’s Sunni belt last summer, riding a wave of discontent with the Shiite-dominated central government in Baghdad. Despite recent advances by Shiite militias and government forces on Tikrit, most of that Sunni belt—including Iraq’s second-largest city, Mosul—remains under Islamic State’s sway.
“ISIS is a problem, but it is a symptom of a bigger problem between Sunnis and Shiites,” said Robert Ford, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute in Washington who served as a U.S. diplomat in Iraq between 2003 and 2010, and then as American ambassador to Syria. “If there is no reconciliation, you will never control Islamic State. Wherever the Sunnis are, the Islamic State will be there.”
Nobody knows for sure how Iraq’s population is divided between its three main components: the Arab Shiites, the Arab Sunnis, and the predominantly Sunni Kurds, who control an autonomous region in the north. The political implications of this question have repeatedly scuttled plans to hold a census after Saddam’s downfall.
The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency estimates that 60% to 65% of Iraqis are Shiite, with the remainder split more or less evenly between Sunni Arabs and Kurds. Only three of Iraq’s 18 provinces are solidly Sunni Arab and Shiite politicians also estimate that Sunni Arabs account for between 15% and 20% of the population of 35 million.
Iraq’s Sunni leaders, of course, dismiss all these numbers as a conspiracy against their community. One of the country’s main Sunni politicians, Vice President Osama al-Nujaifi, points to data from the latest census, carried out by the Saddam regime in 1987, as the right basis for sharing power in Baghdad.
Those figures, dismissed by Shiites as doctored, show Sunni Arabs at 38% of the population and Shiite Arabs at 42%.
“The percentages of the Sunni and Shiite Arabs are still very close to each other. You can’t really describe the Sunni Arabs as a minority. We are a senior partner in this country,” Mr. Nujaifi, who until last year served as Iraq’s parliament speaker, said in an interview. The much lower Sunni vote recorded in Iraqi elections “doesn’t provide the genuine picture” because of insurgent violence, election boycotts and emigration, he added.
The dominance of Iraq’s Sunni elites goes back to the Ottoman Empire, in which what is now Iraq was a borderland abutting the rival Shiite empire in Iran. The privileged role of Sunni Arabs was strengthened by the British colonial powers and, with the Sunni preponderance in the officer class, continued through the history of independent Iraq.
By empowering the Shiite majority for the first time, the 2003 U.S. invasion upended what many Sunnis have come to see as Iraq’s natural order—and sparked violent resistance to the new Baghdad authorities that continues until now.
“When the Americans came, they put the Shiites in power and the Sunnis in prison,” said Mehdi al-Sumeidaie, the imam of Baghdad’s Sunni Umm al-Tuboul mosque who was jailed together with Islamic State’s current leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, in the U.S.-run Camp Bucca detention facility in south Iraq.
The pursuit of a Shiite sectarian agenda by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki following the U.S. withdrawal in 2011 was a key reason why Islamic State, also known under its Arabic acronym Daesh, managed to sweep through Sunni areas of the country last summer, encountering little resistance.
“When Daesh came, the Sunni Arabs did not join in the battle because Daesh was threatening a government that was not theirs,” said Dhiaa Najm al-Asadi, a prominent Shiite lawmaker. Today, he added, the Sunnis should “be represented in government as they deserve, and more than they deserve.”
Mr. Maliki’s successor, Prime Minister Haidar al-Abadi, has moved in that direction. Yet, change is slow—in part because of widespread Shiite fears that, no matter how much they concede to the Sunnis, anything short of yielding power won’t be enough.
“The problem is that the Sunni project in Iraq is not an autonomy project,” said Ezzuldin al-Hakim, the son and official representative of Ayatollah Mohammed Saeed al-Hakim, one of Iraq’s main Shiite religious leaders. “The Sunni project is the project of strong central government—because they want to come back and rule it.”
http://english.ankawa.com/?p=14525quote:Turkish Authorities Ask Tiny Christian Community to Help Yezidi Refugees.
As a Turkish Christian, Ender Peker is used to facing hostility from religious Muslims, particularly because he lives in Turkey’s conservative southeast. So he was shocked last fall when an imam asked him to take over food distribution at a nearby refugee camp.
“He said to me, ‘I want you to talk to them and distribute food to them.’ He was glad to give me this responsibility,” Peker told World Watch Monitor.
The “them” the imam referred to are Iraqi Yezidis. As a monotheistic religion that includes elements of ancient Iranian religions, Christianity and Islam, Yezidis are so unorthodox that most Muslims have traditionally derided them as “devil worshippers.” So when, along with other Iraqis fleeing Islamic State attacks, traumatized Yezidis escaped to Turkey last summer in the thousands, they were afraid to live among Iraqi Muslims in refugee camps set up by the Turkish national government.
So the Diyarbakir Protestant Church stepped in to help the Yezidis soon after they arrived, many living in a city park. The local government placed others in empty schools or municipal buildings. Church members visited them, donating blankets and food.
In August the Church helped the local government establish the first Yezidi refugee camp in a former airplane hangar. Members donated 50 large tents that had been used for its summer church camps.
This opportunity was an unexpected one for such a small Turkish church with only 65 members. But it began a process of reconciliation between the tiny Protestant community and local authorities who had been mistrustful of it, and even hostile in the recent past
“They thought we would come to offer aid, but then leave just as quickly. We stayed. They complimented us, that we did what we said we would do,” Peker said.
Peker is one of a group of foreign and Turkish Christians providing substantial, ongoing aid to Yezidis. Nearly all their relief efforts are channeled through Diyarbakir Protestant Church, a hub for evangelical Christianity in the region. Led by Pastor Ahmet Guvener, the church has helped raise hundreds of thousands of dollars from Turkish and foreign churches to help refugees.
Yezidis initially rebuffed help from government workers in Turkey, due to their lingering trauma from Islamic State attacks. In July 2014 the IS jihadists attacked their historical home of Mt. Sinjar in northern Iraq, where thousands of Iraqi men, women and children of the Yezidi religion have been killed, raped and enslaved. The extremists regard Yezidis as infidels who, according to Islamic law, should be killed.
“Because of the pain they suffered, they are afraid of us. They consider somebody who calls himself a Muslim to be a butcher,” Davut Kesen, a government refugee relief coordinator, told World Watch Monitor.
One Yezidi camp in Silopi, housing a few hundred refugee families, is located next to a mosque. Aware of the sensitivities, the local government told the imam not to announce the call to prayer from the mosque, out of consideration for the camp dwellers.
The Turkish Christians had problems when they first approached the Yezidis, who barely spoke to any government relief worker beyond the necessary minimum.
“When other church members and I were helping Yezidis in the camp first set up the large tents, they did not speak with us,” said Guvener. “But when they told them that we were non-Muslims, they immediately opened up. They embraced us, smiled, and could even joke.”
The Diyarbakir church continues to serve the 30,000 Yezidis who have settled in southeastern Turkey. It has also been able to provide food, clothes, shelter, house utilities, and other forms of aid to Kurdish Muslim families who fled the Syrian city of Kobani.
Through these relief efforts, doors have opened for Church members to improve their relations with officials in the region. Local government leaders told them they are “deeply grateful” for the help of the church, said Ricardo Pessoa, a volunteer for the refugee relief ministry.
The mayors of nearby Kocaköy and Silvan began to work closely with the Christian community. A foreign group of Christians were allowed to teach English lessons in Kocaköy’s state-run high school and even share about their faith, an act rarely tolerated in Turkey. The mayors have even made several courtesy visits to the Diyarbakir church.
“God never causes evil to happen, but He can do wonderful things by using the church in difficult situations,” Guvener told WWM. “In the last eight months, the attitudes that people have about Christians have changed completely.”
From last August to January this year, the Diyarbakir church has delivered literally tons of food to refugees, including over 30,000 kilograms of rice, lentils, dried beans, and vegetables. They have also provided thousands of clothing articles for men, women and children.
Church members also visit camps near the village of Suruç, near the Syrian border. More than 120,000 refugees live in this region alone.
A troubled past
Guvener, a convert from Islam, oversees a church that is small by Western standards but enormous by Turkish Protestant standards, where the average congregation is 20-30. Most are former Muslims.
Diyarbakir Protestant Church is located in the city’s historically Christian district of Lalebey. The narrow, brick-lined streets make car travel all but impossible. It sits directly across from the Syriac Orthodox community’s Virgin Mary Church. Guvener keeps a good friendship with the local priest, Fr. Yusuf Akbulut.
Warming relations between Turkish officialdom and local Protestants are a startling change from the recent past. In 2013 U.S. citizen Jerry Mattix was put on Turkey’s blacklist for his voluntary work with Diyarbakir Protestant Church. He served the church for 12 years before being denied a visa, on the grounds that the state deemed him a “threat to national security.”
From 2011 to 2013 at least six other foreign-born Christian families living in southeast Turkey were deported or denied renewals of their residency permits with no reason cited.
Guvener himself has faced difficulties with the local government for over a decade. In 2002 he was put on trial before a criminal court for making “illegal” architectural changes to the Protestant Church’s three-storey worship ministry center and obstructing a historical site. If a judge had not dismissed the case, Guvener could have faced two to five years of prison time. In 2004 the court dropped all charges against Guvener for opening an “illegal church.”
(c) World Watch Monitor www.worldwatchmonitor.org
[ Bericht 0% gewijzigd door #ANONIEM op 10-04-2015 19:25:04 ]
Dit, wie gaat morgen de verantwoordelijkheid nemen als yezidis de Peshmerga gaan aanvallen? Barzani heeft hen gezegd: jullie mogen milities, maar moeten onderdeel worden van Peshmerga. Zij zeggen: nee, we willen onder shiitische milities. Nou, wie heeft al die vluchtelingen opgevangen. De shiitische milities of krg?quote:Op donderdag 9 april 2015 22:07 schreef Slayage het volgende:
standpunt van de krg behgrijp ik wel, de staat kan niet de monopolie op het gebruik van geweld uit handen geven.
#freefrederike
Niet zo zeiken elke dag.quote:
Hebben ze niks beters te doen dan jezidi's lastigvallen?
Ze willen onderdeel worden van Popular Mobilization Forces en niet van Shia milities !quote:Op zaterdag 11 april 2015 15:43 schreef PizzaMizza het volgende:
[..]
Dit, wie gaat morgen de verantwoordelijkheid nemen als yezidis de Peshmerga gaan aanvallen? Barzani heeft hen gezegd: jullie mogen milities, maar moeten onderdeel worden van Peshmerga. Zij zeggen: nee, we willen onder shiitische milities. Nou, wie heeft al die vluchtelingen opgevangen. De shiitische milities of krg?
