Revolutie in Libië #116: Met vallen en opstaan

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Aanslag op Franse ambassade Libië

In de Libische hoofdstad Tripoli is vanochtend een aanslag gepleegd op de Franse ambassade. Dat heeft een medewerker van de ambassade laten weten.

"Er is een aanval geweest op de ambassade en we denken dat het een autobom was'', aldus de functionaris. Volgens hem was er behoorlijk wat schade aan het pand. De aanslag werd gepleegd met een autobom. Bij de explosie raakten twee bewakers gewond. Wie er achter de aanslag zit, is nog niet bekend.

In september vorig jaar was de Amerikaanse ambassade nog doelwit van een aanslag. Bij die aanval kwamen de Amerikaanse ambassadeur Christopher Stevens en drie andere Amerikanen om het leven.

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Tripoli conference produces Sebha peace deal

Rival groups who have been the cause of continuing instability in Sebha and elsewhere on the south of the country today signed a peace deal under which both agreed to disarm and put aside past animosities.

Representatives from Tebus and the Arab tribe, the Awlad Suleiman, were brought together this morning at the Congress building in a reconciliation conference organised by the government and the General National Congress.

Sebha and the surrounding area have been the scene of intermittent clashes for over a year despite ceasefires and peace agreements.

Fighting between Tebus and Arab residents in the town, mainly from the Abu Seif tribe, broke out in March last year in a dispute supposedly over a vehicle. Some 150 people were killed and 400 wounded in the following few days before a ceasefire was brokered. Later, the conflict turned into one between the Tebus and the Awlad Suleiman.

Today’s conference, entitled ‘Reconciliation in the South of Libya’ and organised with the help of a number of reconciliation committees and elders following long negotiations between the rivals, was opened by the Chief of Staff, Major-General Yousef Mangoush.

It was attended by the President of Congress, Mohamed Magarief, the Prime Minister, Ali Zeidan, and Defence Minister Mohamed Bargathi as well as several members of Congress.

In his opening remarks, Mangoush said that everyone was aware of the problems in Libya during its present transitional stage. The challenges, he stated, were massive and difficult.

Magarief said reconciliation was the right path for the new Libya. There had been “enough Libya wounds, enough Libya bleeding, enough Libya sensitivities, enough Libya barriers”. More than ever, the country needed “reconciliation with ourselves and with our history”. The conference would set the pattern “for reconciliation in all parts of the country”, he stated.

For his part, Ali Zaidan, said his government hoped that this reconciliation process would build the new Libya, but that what was needed was determination. Reconciliation would not happen, he said, unless people returned to the values and morality of their fathers and grandfathers.

At the end of conference, a representative from each of the two groups signed a peace agreement, but not before a heated exchange of words by some of those attending the conference almost wrecked it.

A number of attendees said that they did not approve the deal and that the views of some of the conflicting parties had been ignored. The Misrata representatives quit the conference complaining they were not mentioned in the reconciliation programme.

Following the departure of Magarief and other officials, two journalists covering the conference became embroiled in a dispute with GNC security guards and were beaten. One, Mohamed Al-Ghariani, a cameraman with Al-Aan TV, had to be hospitalized as a result. The other, a freelance photographer, was able to walk away.

In a statement later today, Magarief said it was the result of misunderstanding by both sides and high emotions but he still condemned it. “Any attack on journalists is an attack on freedom of speech”, he said. However, he called on both sides to exercise restraint in future.

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Rana_J01 twitterde op dinsdag 14-05-2013 om 18:46:42 Officials 2day- #Benghazi #Libya blast "could have been 'accidental' all being investigated" Wld have bn helpful if that was said frm start. reageer retweet

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Benghazi blast an 'accident', Libya ministers say

A blast outside a hospital in the Libyan city of Benghazi on Monday might have been an accident, ministers say.

The government initially said that a car bomb exploded in a "terrorist act" that killed three people.

But on Tuesday, Interior Minister Ashur Shwayel said "all the signs point to an accidental" blast, in a car transporting explosives.

Security remains precarious in Libya since the uprising against long-time leader Muammar Gaddafi.

The city was terrorized, a 16-year old died, investigations need to be concluded”

Since then, Libya has been hit by a wave of bombings - often blamed on militant Islamists or Gaddafi loyalists - and battles between rival militias who fought the ousted regime.

Justice Minister Salah al-Mirghani said it was "too early to draw any conclusions" about Monday's car explosion.

"Even if it was detonated accidentally [by those inside] as it was heading somewhere else, or whatever the reason - it is not normal to be driving around with explosives like that," he told the BBC from Benghazi.

"The city was terrorized, a 16-year old died, investigations need to be concluded. There are two unidentified bodies, but we also have not concluded whether they were the ones in the car or not."

He said he could not discount reports that the explosives might have been transported by fishermen, who often use such material to catch fish.

A report by an explosive expert from Libya's ministry of defence said a grey Mazda exploded while it was travelling with material used to make anti-tank mines, says BBC Libya correspondent Rana Jawad.

In the immediate aftermath of the blast, government officials and eyewitnesses said a grey Toyota parked near the hospital exploded.

Angry crowds protested at the scene, blaming militants for the bombing and urging the authorities to drive them out of the city.

Many demonstrators chanted "Rise, Benghazi!"

There were wildly conflicting reports on casualty figures, with Deputy Interior Minister Abdallah Massoud saying that up to 15 may have been killed and at least 30 wounded.

On Tuesday, the health ministry, said it reached a "definitive toll" of three dead and 14 wounded in the explosion.

At least three police stations were bombed in Benghazi last week - causing damage but not casualties.

Earlier this month, the UK said it had withdrawn some of its embassy staff in Libya because of "ongoing political uncertainty".

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Op maandag 10 juni 2013 00:19 schreef JaJammerJan het volgende:

[..]

Lijkt me tijd voor de NATO om in te grijpen en die milities eens flink kapot te bombarderen toch? 'vredige' demonstraties worden immers met zeer dodelijk geweld neergedrukt. En zo ging dat toch ook in de tijd van Ghadaffi en daar werd ook ingegrepen.

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Ik wed dat die demonstraties, (net zoals in het begin van de 'revolutie') helemaal niet vredig verliepen. Zoals hier beschreven staat worden het al 'rellen' genoemd en bij het nieuws van nu.nl staat dat de 'demonstranten' mogelijk zelf ook wapens hadden.

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Echter, de eerste 'demonstraties' tegen Ghadaffi begonnen ook met het in de fik steken van auto's en politiegebouwen, en daar zullen behalve wapens als molotov cocktails, ook zwaardere wapens gebruikt zijn, wat tot het aantal doden van onze subjectieve media gedeeld door 10 leidde.

Verzin er nog wat leugens bij zoals bij Ghadaffi is gedaan: huurlingen, luchtaanvallen, wrede dictator, verkrachtingen.
en hoppaa, je hebt er bijna weer een 'revolutie' bij.

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Violence Against Libyan Protesters Threatens to Undercut Power of Militias

BENGHAZI, Libya — Gathering here to bury nearly 30 civilian protesters killed the night before by a powerful militia, mourners said Sunday that they hoped a backlash after the massacre would finally cow Libya’s freewheeling brigades into submitting to the central government.

“It is sad that whenever we reach our goals we have to lose souls in the process,” said Naja Abdel Wanis, 28, an engineer. The militia, known as Libya Shield, had already fled, he said, adding, “There is no longer a Libya Shield.”

Militia leaders argue that Libya’s weak transitional government still badly needs their superior firepower. But after this weekend’s clashes, there were signs on Sunday that Libyans’ shock at the violence against civilians might undercut the influence of the biggest militia leaders just as they appeared poised to consolidate their political power.

On Sunday afternoon, the transitional Parliament said it had accepted the resignation of the government official closest to the militia leaders, Yousef al-Mangoush, the military chief of staff and the brigades’ chief advocate. Libya Shield’s compound here was all but deserted, and its fighters were scattered after the melee on Saturday night. A handful of looters pawed over the rubble of a burned-out car, a tank and a rocket launcher left in the yard.

The militia’s leaders appeared to be in hiding; in a telephone interview late Saturday, a spokesman declined to disclose his location because of safety concerns. By Sunday night, several other militias reportedly announced their own dissolution as well.

After weeks of anonymous bombings and assassinations aimed at the former security forces of Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi, new police officers in blue uniforms appeared for the first time since the revolution on the streets of Benghazi. A contingent of regular, uniformed troops was also patrolling the cemetery to deter any new violence, and about a dozen soldiers were lined up in a row along the road outside.

“This is a historic day for our revolution,” said Jamal Bennor, a judge who attended the burials. “Now all the people are determined that there is no room for ‘security committees’ or ‘militias’ outside the official authorities,” he said. “Be satisfied. Everything is going well. The local government has no power, but the power is with the people.”

The Libya Shield militia has been a bellwether among the many autonomous brigades that emerged out of the revolt against Colonel Qaddafi two years ago. Although the militia was outside government control, its leaders distinguished themselves by offering their services to help quell regional unrest. Government officials cited it as a vital, “legitimate” militia, and it became a template for a handful of other brigades, which adopted the names Libya Shield 2, 3, 4 and so on.

But as the transitional government came to depend on Libya Shield and its imitators, the militia leaders also used their leverage to influence the government, most notably in pushing for the passage last month of a law barring former senior Qaddafi government officials from public posts for 10 years.

The broad legislation had the effect of disqualifying many of the big militias’ leading civilian opponents. And to push it through, armed militia members surrounded the Ministries of Justice and Foreign Affairs as well as the transitional Parliament, implicitly threatening the use of force.

The Parliament’s swift acquiescence had appeared to seal the militia leaders’ hold on power, and Wissam bin Hamid, the leader of Libya Shield, was chosen to lead a committee of top brigade leaders who would advise the civilian government.

Then on Saturday, what began as a dispute with neighbors over the deed to Libya Shield’s compound escalated into a lopsided slaughter. A swelling crowd of hundreds attacked the compound with rocks, and a few fired Kalashnikovs. The ill-trained militia inside retaliated with heavy gunfire, antiaircraft guns, rocket-propelled grenades and at least one round of mortar fire.

Thirty-one people were killed, officials said Sunday, raising the death toll from the 27 reported the night before. Only two were members of Libya Shield, its leaders said, and the rest were protesters.

In a radio interview on Saturday night, Mr. Bin Hamid of Libya Shield was unapologetic, portraying the protesters as angry members of a local tribe, Qaddafi loyalists and “federalists” aiming to break up the country into a union of three autonomous states.

“They had strange demands,” Mr. Bin Hamid said. “We did not understand what they wanted.”

But on Sunday, some mourners said that Mr. Bin Hamid had badly damaged his image. “He looked for bogus excuses,” said Nasser Ghaffer, 32, a former brigade leader who put down his weapon to resume civilian life. Libya Shield’s “legitimacy,” he said, is just “decoration.”

Mr. Abdel Wanis, the engineer, said: “His blood is wanted, as we say in Libyan culture. He can no longer come here. He is finished.”

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Picking Up the Pieces in Libya

During the week of July 22nd, 2013, three Libyan officials were killed in a wave of violence that shook Libya as a whole, and the city of Benghazi, in particular.

Since the country’s liberation from the regime of Muammar Ghaddafi, assassinations have become an increasingly common phenomenon.

Attacks against two Libyan army officials, Colonel Salem Al Sarah (head of police in southern Libya) and Lieutenant Khattab Younis Zwai (a local Benghazi police officer) followed the usual pattern. As with previous attempts, these assassinations aimed to quash efforts to establish a national army and police force to replace the militias that continue to run Libya.

But, the third victim of these attacks, prominent activist and lawyer, Abdulsalam Al-Mismari, highlights a shift in targeting practices – civil society is now on the hit list.

Al-Mismari was the founder of the February 17 Coalition, a collection of activists at the forefront of the country’s uprising. He had always been outspoken, and had previously received death threats for speaking out against Islamist factions in the former interim government, the National Transitional Council.

Most recently, Al-Mismari had publically expressed concerns about the assassination of General Abdelfatah Younis, who was killed on July 28th, 2011, and criticized the Muslim Brotherhood for attempting to sway the government through the use of armed groups.

Al-Mismari’s assassination sparked nation-wide protests condemning the violence and calling for the disbanding of all militias.

To date, Libya’s spate of assassinations, which began with the Younis killing, has claimed 62 victims. Perpetrators have yet to be identified or brought to justice in these cases.

A Sobering Reality: Have We Reached a Breaking Point?

As assassinations and violence increased over the last 2.5 years, Libyans persevered and continued to remain hopeful.

Recent events have, however, definitively shattered this bubble.

Hassan Al-Amin, a human rights lawyer, opponent of the Ghaddafi regime, and former representative from Misrata in the General National Council (GNC), Libya’s interim parliament, has continuously spoken out about the issues plaguing the country.

Al-Amin resigned from the GNC in May, in opposition to the forced passage of the controversial political isolation law. The law prohibits officials with ties to the Ghaddafi regime from working in the government for a period of ten years. The legislation was passed under duress, after various militia groups threatened violence if the law was not approved.

Since stepping down from office, Al-Amin has continued to speak out against the chaos in the country.

“Libya has reached its breaking point, the situation is getting worse by the day” he observes.

In a country where militias are strong and the government weak, the current crisis can only be described as inevitable.

Since Ghaddafi’s ouster, the militias, which were created to battle the regime, have been prone to fighting amongst themselves. These conflicts have typically been about settling scores that more often than not are extensions of tensions between other factions in Libya.

The government has attempted to incorporate the militias into the national security services. Nevertheless, many militia groups continue to pursue local and individuals interests, instead of the public good, making them ill-suited to provide security for the general population.

“Militias are divided, they can’t work together. They have differing views, demands, and have gained status, prestige, and power that they are not willing to give up on easily,” says Al-Amin.

The troubling situation is compounded by internal tensions within the Libyan army, which is national only in name. As the country’s circumstances continue to deteriorate, army heads are consistently shuffled around with no real ground being made.

Local police forces across the country are uncoordinated. Most critically, they lack a central intelligence system, which makes, rampant violence, like on-going assassinations, impossible to resolve.

Outside forces, whether regional or international, also play a role in destabilizing the country. Those with vested interests, which may or may not align with peaceful developments in the nation, constantly threaten to push Libya to its limits. It is commonly believed, for example, that Libya’s Islamists are backed by regional forces that will not rest until an Islamic state is established.

These experiences are further aggravated by the inexperience of the Libyan government and the GNC and their collective unwillingness to genuinely address the issues threatening the country’s security.

In the face of growing violence, both bodies have been complacent to say the least. Each assassination has been met with vague, though prompt, statements condemning violence and promising justice. Little effort has been made, however, to investigate these crimes, capture responsible parties, and prevent similar incidents from occurring in the future.

On top of all this, the government remains disconnected from the street and has made little effort to cultivate support among the Libyan population.

“The government and parliament are an illusion. They have no standing or power in the country” says Al-Amin. He suggests that, for the first time in its history, Libya has begun to resemble the early days of post-war Iraq, where constant power struggles were a recurring phenomenon.

Al-Amin is firm when assigning responsibility for Libya’s failures, which he lays at the feet of numerous individuals and government bodies, particularly the interim parliament.

The GNC has failed to follow through on its responsibilities. The body was created for one reason: to help elect members for a constituent assembly that would draft a new constitution for the country.

No real headway has been made on this goal. A draft election law for the constitutional committee has been prepared, but has stalled while debates continue about representation in the assembly for Libya’s various constituencies.

Within the GNC, political parties pursue their own agendas. As with all political groups in the country, these parties were established after the country’s liberation. There has simply been insufficient time for these groups to develop real relationships with their constituencies, making it inevitable they would pursue the interests of a few over the many.

The Way Forward

In light of the recent assassinations, some have called for a boycott of the GNC.

It is clear the GNC and the government are too busy accommodating pressure groups to pursue the public interest. Nevertheless, their authority must be maintained.

The process for creating the constituent assembly must be accelerated. Once formed, the body must be empowered with the necessary tools to swiftly complete the task of drafting and voting on a constitution.

The government must approach Libya today as a country in a state of emergency. Great effort must be made to stabilize the country and engage the population in this work.

Redirecting the transitional period along these lines would help rectify the country’s current problematic course.

But, how does a fragmented nation, with the government on one side and the people on the other, forge a new path? Al-Amin maintains that honesty and transparency can mend ties between the government and the masses.

“It is not too late to restore the country but the government needs to clearly articulate a program of change. They must be honest and reveal who calls the shots, name the forces that are becoming obstacles. The people need to see a clear and innovative leadership, flexible but firm. The government needs to be smart about presenting the truth; gain back the respect of the Libyan street, then ask of them what they want.”

Al-Amin stresses this long overdue conversation should be televised, and occur sooner rather than later. Waiting too long will only make the situation worse and lead to more bloodshed.

Opportunity for Change

Many Libyans wish to see change but feel paralyzed.

How can the government become stronger when faced with militias that are fighting one another and undermining any attempts to create a professional state security service?

Al-Amin remains resolute that if the government acts wisely now, the country can be salvaged.

He suggests the government begin to cultivate relationships with young people who are interested in the political process and invested in creating a better future for Libya.

His logic is irrefutable. Including Libya’s disenfranchised youth in this transitional period would be a game changer.

In particular, Al-Amin believes reviving or in most cases introducing volunteerism among young people to establish localized security would create a viable alternative to current efforts at developing a police force and army, which are moving at a snail’s pace. Al-Amin believes money has been a factor in the militias’ ability to hold onto power, and that a volunteer force would re-establish loyalty to the state, neighborhood by neighborhood.

Efforts to engage young people could tap into on-going youth-led efforts, like Stand for Libya, which work to foster a more inclusive political sphere.

Stand for Libya is a coalition of several youth led NGOs across the country established in response to Libya’s instability. Malak Bouod, a founding member of the coalition, describes the goals of the initiative:

“We all have our own political opinions but have come together under one goal, to deliver Libya out of this ordeal. We are in agreement that this phase requires unity and synchronized efforts. Many NGOs and political parties have lost sight of what is important right now, to put pressure on the congress and the government until we make our way out of this crisis situation.”

“What good is it to us if Libya is dragged into a civil war, that we leave it to the disposal of terrorists and extremists? Now is the time for cohesion, once security and the state are established, we can all go back to our individual efforts,” explains Bouod.

Reservations and Obstacles

There are many hurdles to moving past this difficult time in the country’s history.

For instance, Ghaddafi sympathizers continue to use media and other forms of propaganda to undermine the revolution and break down all that has been achieved so far.

The continued absence of a unified, professional security apparatus is, obviously, a significant problem for stability in the country

The media has become a major obstacle post-revolution as well. Most media outlets subscribe to a distinct agenda and are devoid of journalistic integrity and ethics.

Rather than supporting the democratic process and cultivating the kind of national unity that existed during the uprising, Libyan media has become a divisive agent and has failed to provide the people with accurate information. It acts as a distracting force, deflecting attention away from important issues by broadcasting political rumors and baseless accusations.

Adding to the country’s many challenges, civil society has failed to step up to the plate. Reflecting the state of Libyan society, civic activities remain exclusive, localized, and disorganized.

Civil society in Libya, though nascent, would benefit from outreach, coordination, and consistency in its work. Furthering such efforts through comprehensive awareness and education campaigns would allow for civic-minded activities to become more widespread and continue for longer periods of time.

The Egypt Debate

In Libya, reactions to current events in Egypt vary.

Some insist the two countries have little in common: Egypt has a strong army while Libya does not; Egypt has suffered at the hands of one group (the Muslim Brotherhood) while Libya has been victimized by many organizations; the political arena in Egypt is well developed while Libya’s remains nascent.

Others believe Libya would be wise to learn from its neighbors.

Political activist and nationalist, Ayman Grada, believes that, in light of Egypt’s current turmoil, Libya has a chance to expel unwanted forces, like the Muslim Brotherhood, which threaten the state’s legitimacy.

He describes the country’s current political dynamics as a conflict between nationalists and Islamists. A power vacuum left behind post-revolution has allowed Islamists to thrive. Grada argues that Islamists, which include a matrix of radical jihadists, Muslim Brotherhood affiliates, and the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG), all share the same goal of establishing a caliphate.

In Libya, the Islamists have allied with various militias and have been involved in sporadic clashes with the Libyan Special Armed Forces, as well as the storming of the GNC earlier this year to forcibly pass the political isolation law.

Nationalists, on the other hand, are made up of a coalition of tribes from all over the country including those in the east that support federalism. This group calls for a national state and rejects the Muslim Brotherhood’s purported globalist agenda.

“The two groups are in a constant power struggle, reflected in a severe partisan ideological schism inside the GNC, that sometimes devolves into street fights,” says Grada.

Libya’s Muslim Brotherhood has already stirred trouble across the border. According to recent report, the Libyan chapter of the Brotherhood supplied Egypt’s Brotherhood with weaponry.

There is no clear indication where the Brotherhood’s loyalty lies, although it is certainly not with the state. Nevertheless, reconciliation efforts must be pursued to ensure the schism between Islamists and nationalists is resolved, and does not continue to hamstring the country’s progress

Conclusion

While specific details on events inside Libya are hard to come by, the general sentiment in the country is clear.

Libyans are outraged by violence that continues to torment their communities without resolution, and want a country that will protect their rights both legally and physically, through a national security service.

The people of Libya are reaching a point of no return. Should the government fail to act swiftly and engage the population, it will lose these individuals for good and further expose the country to terrorists and extremists.

The people of Libya must continue to remind the government and militias they have no more patience left – it is time for change in the country.

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Dispatches: A First Step toward Justice, for Some, in Libya

Libya is finally set to begin collecting evidence of crimescommitted by militias from the town of Misrata and people from Tawergha during the 2011 uprising to oust Muammar Gaddafi. This may be a first, hopeful step towards justice – but much needs to be done to ensure this difficult task is conducted fairly and thoroughly.

The Ministry of Justice announced on July 31, 2013, that a fact finding commission would begin its work, more than a year after the commission was established by a decree form the National Transitional Council.

Revolutionaries and civilians from Misrata have accused residents of neighboring Tawergha of siding with Gaddafi and his forces during the “17 February Revolution”. They have accused Tawerghans of committing serious crimes in Misrata, including unlawful killings, torture, and rapes, especially during the first months of the revolution, as Gaddafi forces besieged Misrata.

In August 2011, armed groups mostly from Misrata launched an onslaught on Tawergha, emptying the town, and subsequently looting and destroying its houses and rendering it inhabitable. Today, 35,000 Tawerghans were forced to leave their homes and now live in makeshift camps and private housing in Tripoli, Benghazi, and the South. Militias from Misrata have threatened Tawerghans with violence if they attempt to return. The Continued forced displacement of thousands of people amounts to a crime against humanity. Another 1,300 are missing or detained, mostly in Militia-run facilities in Misrata. Hundreds are dead.

The commission now has the daunting task of investigating these crimes and deciding which cases should be referred to the judiciary for prosecution and which people should receive compensation for their losses.

Despite the delay in launching investigations, this may be a step in the right direction. Authorities now need to show they are committed to justice by ensuring the commission is thorough, neutral, and independent. Much is at stake, and victims, from both sides, need to see a radical shift in the government’s attitude toward achieving justice.

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Seif Gaddafi Appears on TV in Libya for the First time

Tripoli—Gaddafi’s son Seif appeared on a Libyan TV channel Tuesday night for the first time since he was captured in 2011. He seemed nervous but in good health and insisting he would rather be tried in Zintan city.

In a brief interview obtained by Al Aseema TV channel, Seif Gaddafi said he was in good health, that he is being visited by human rights organizations and that he would rather be tried in the city of Zintan where he is being currently detained.

Prison authorities in Zintan agreed to the interview with Al Aseema TV after widespread rumours alleged that Seif escaped from prison and he had already left the country.

Both these authorities and the Libyan government in Tripoli wanted to bring an end to such rumours which have been used by some political factions to create instability in the country.

New details emerged in the interview about how Seif was captured in the early morning hours of 19 November 2011 in southern Libya.

Other new details were revealed in relation to the arrest in June 2012 of Australian lawyer Melinda Taylor as she smuggled electronic devices to Seif in prison. Taylor, a lawyer was appointed by International Criminal Court (ICC) to defend Seif.

Colonel Al Ajami Al-Atairi, commander of the brigade that captured Seif and which now securing his prison, revealed the name of the individual who was first to tip that there would be a VIP from the Gaddafi regime who was to secretly flee the country to neighboring Niger.

Not knowing who would be the VIP, Colonel Al-Atairi said he took necessary contingencies to monitor all escape routes that the suspected caravan may lead.

Al-Atairi was in command of a revolutionary brigade that was tasked with the mission to secure the southwestern part of Libya.

A few days later two SUVs appeared. In first there were two people including the driver, Yousef, who was also the desert guide and an aide to Seif with the rank of a Colonel.

Seif was in the second car with two other people. He tried to hide his identity by putting his face in the sand and decided to escape only to change his mind as a result of the heavy gunfire in the air.

Al-Atairi said he was rather surprised when one of the men who were riding with him said the man whose face was covered with sand wad Seif Gaddafi. They were all taken to a nearby camp and then were flown to Zintan, 800 kms to the north.

During the very brief interview with Al-Aseema TV, Seif was kind of nervous. In the beginning his lawyer, Mohamed Bousenna consulted with him and went back to the TV crew to tell them that Seif declined to go on TV.

Later Bousenna returned and told the interviewer that he could only ask three questions: one about his health, another about whether he is getting visitors from family and human rights organizations and the third about the place of his trial. Here is a translation to the full brief interview:

Interviewer: How is your health, tell about your health?

Seif Gaddafi: ‘Al-hamdu liallah’ (thanks to God).

Interviewer: Do your family and human rights organizations visit you?

Seif Gaddafi: Yes, ‘Al-hamdu liallah’ (thanks to God).

Interviewer: What is the secret behind your saying that you wish to finish your trial in Zintan and you do not want to be transfer to Tripoli?

Seif Gaddafi: Is not Zintan in Libya? There is no problem. What is the difference between it and Tripoli?

Interviewer: Do not you see that there is a problem in Zintan?

Seif Gaddafi: You, do you see that there is a problem?

Interviewer: I am asking you?

Seif Gaddafi: Is Zintan in Libya or outside Libya?

Interviewer: Inside Libya.

Seif Gaddafi: ‘khalas’ (then).

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Op zaterdag 16 november 2013 20:12 schreef Schurkenstaat het volgende:
Dat heeft het Westen allemaal keurig geregeld daar. Vrijheid, blijheid en democratie. Leve de revolutie.