[AMV] President Trump - Golfen in Florida #266

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GeorgeTakei twitterde op zaterdag 18-02-2017 om 01:18:35 Trump says the media is the true enemy of the American people. So let's take a poll. Who do you think does MORE HARM to the American people? reageer retweet

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:05 schreef Japie77 het volgende:

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Ik join niemand. Im my own man as allways. Dat jij zo graag bij de groep wilt horen wil niet zeggen dat anderen dat ook willen he Ryontje.

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:07 schreef Refragmental het volgende:

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Het is de natuur van de "progressieve" en "vreedzame" mens om anderen constant in hokjes te stoppen.
En als je niet in dat hokje wil zitten worden ze kwaad en komt de fascistische aard naar boven.
Kijk met name naar african-american Trump supporters en hoe zij worden behandeld door zogenaamde links progressievelingen.
"You're not allowed to leave te liberal plantation!"

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:09 schreef Hexagon het volgende:
Goed ophouden met dat gebagger. Open een Trump topic in ONZ ofzo

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:08 schreef Japie77 het volgende:

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Waarheid als een koe.

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:10 schreef ExtraWaskracht het volgende:

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Hm ja, totdat je de teksten leest over "linkschmensen", "gutmenschen", "alt-links doet x" en je tijdens het bloeden van je ogen van het lezen bedenkt dat die post als kut op Dirk op slaat.

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:12 schreef Japie77 het volgende:
Ik ben trouwens absoluut geen Trump fan an sich maar wel omdat hij op dit moment anti status quo is

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. En de radeloosheid, waanzin, woede etc die dat bij de gevestigde orde en de gevestigde orde lovers veroorzaakt vind ik prachtig om te zien.

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Congress keeps Trump grounded
Trump's Cabinet nominees remain bogged down and Republicans are sharply divided on health care and taxes.

The Senate left town Friday with Trump’s administration barely staffed, Republicans’ legislative agenda stuck in neutral and Democrats using parliamentary tactics to make senators and staffers’ life a blur of partisan fights and all-night debates. The House left Thursday in barely better shape.

On Capitol Hill, it’s been a less than stellar start for Trump’s vows to shake up Washington.

“Slower than we want, certainly. We’d like to get these [nominees] behind us and get on to policy,” said Sen. Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.). But, he admitted, when it comes to Republicans’ top priorities — Obamacare repeal and tax reform — “Nothing’s ready to bring to the floor.”

In the Senate, Democrats have stymied Trump’s Cabinet to a degree that has no historical precedent, eating away at precious floor time and delaying the GOP’s agenda until the spring. The House doesn’t have the arduous task of confirming hundreds of Trump’s nominees, but Republican infighting over health care and taxes has raised serious doubts about whether a bill signing on either issue will ever be in the offing.

The bruising Cabinet conflict is boiling over in both parties after a bitter seven weeks in session. Democrats held the Senate in session overnight three times in the past two weeks, dragging out debates on nomination battles even they knew they could not win.

A bloc of junior Republican senators privately pushed Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell to retaliate by keeping the chamber in for an eighth consecutive week to steamroll recalcitrant Democrats, according to senators and aides.

In the end, the request was deemed impractical by GOP leaders, with a bipartisan group of senators headed abroad and a building complex filled with exhausted lawmakers and aides. Votes on Cabinet nominees next week could have failed due to attendance problems among Republicans, who enjoy a slim 52-48 advantage over Democrats.

But the frustration among Republicans is real.

“Personally, I’d like to turn the Senate on and leave it open, 24-7, until we get this done. Seriously. And there are several of us pushing for that,” Sen. David Perdue (R-Ga.) said. “It’s unfortunate we’ve got a recess week. Several of us would love to stay here and get this done. You had a weekend a couple of weekends ago that we wanted to stay here.”

A spokeswoman for freshman Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) confirmed that he “fully supports working late nights and weekends to move the Republican agenda as fast as possible.” At least a half-dozen senators were pushing the effort, though several asked not to be named to avoid provoking a fight with Senate leaders.

Republicans — including Trump — are furious that Democrats have strung out debate on a series of Trump’s nominees for as long as they can, occasionally letting through less controversial figures like Small Business Administration chief Linda McMahon or Veterans Affairs Secretary David Shulkin. The effect has been that Trump’s agencies have been rudderless for weeks — and that the Senate floor has been tied in knots.

“It’s pretty hard to get anything done if you’re spending all your time trying to get your Cabinet approved,” said Sen. Orrin Hatch of Utah, the longest-serving Republican senator.

Republicans will return to a continued slog on nominees on Feb. 27, pressing to confirm Wilbur Ross to the Commerce Department, Ryan Zinke to the Interior Department, Ben Carson to the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and Rick Perry to the Energy Department — a roster that could take nearly 100 additional hours of debate to finish.

But there are literally hundreds more nominees that must be confirmed to staff Trump’s administration: Agriculture Department nominee Sonny Perdue, undersecretaries, ambassadors and members of organizations like the National Labor Relations Board. If Democrats keep stringing this out, it could become impossible to both pass a legislative agenda and confirm everyone that Trump needs to run his administration.

And Democrats are not ruling out further delays for many of Trump’s lower-level nominees. As Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii) put it: “There are no exceptions for advise and consent.”

“Our hope is that the deputy and assistant secretaries who do a lot of the work aren’t as radical and as unqualified as these. So we want to make it clear: If they are, then this is going to keep going,” said Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.). “If you keep putting up people as unqualified as Betsy DeVos or as conflicted as Scott Pruitt, there’s going to be a lot of long days and nights.”

He noted with some satisfaction that at this point in 2009, President Barack Obama had most of his Cabinet installed and had already signed into law the $787 billion economic stimulus bill. By contrast, Trump has signed two resolutions rolling back regulations, a government accountability bill and a waiver allowing confirmation of Defense Secretary Jim Mattis.

Democrats say delaying the GOP’s legislative agenda even as Trump grows more unpopular is a side effect of their floor tactics, not the motivating force behind them. But Republicans are already growing worried that they will be forced to pass another continuing resolution to keep the government funded in late April rather than attempt an omnibus or individual appropriations bills as one of the consequences of Democrats’ floor strategy.

“Lack of accomplishment, if that’s the goal of Democrats, then they’re accomplishing that,” said Sen. Jerry Moran (R-Kan.).

Of course, it’s Republicans, not Democrats, who are struggling mightily to devise a plan to repeal and replace the health care law they’ve targeted for years. The GOP is also sharply divided over rewriting the tax code, with Speaker Paul Ryan facing blowback from members in his own party about a plan to change the way imports and exports are taxed.

There have been some bright spots for Republicans: Supreme Court nominee Neil Gorsuch is proceeding apace and may be confirmed in early April. And the GOP is rolling back Obama-era regulations as fast as it can through a procedure that precludes the filibuster. That is tiding over even some of the most combative senators — for now.

“Repealing three regulations that will hopefully save tens of thousands of American jobs, I think that’s a big deal,” said Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.). But, he added: “There’s going to be a lot unhappiness from a lot of people if we don’t have an [Obamacare] repeal vote in a month or two months.”

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:13 schreef Refragmental het volgende:

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Ik raad je aan om eens wat meer te kijken naar daadwerkelijk berichten over hoe african american Trump supporters worden behandeld door anti-trumpers, wanneer de anti-trumpers er achter komen dat "die uncle tom" tegen hun mening in durft te gaan en zich niet conformeert aan het beeld van african-american = anti-trump.
1st hand accounts zijn er genoeg te vinden op Youtube.

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:14 schreef Hexagon het volgende:

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Een kernoorlog is ook iets anders dan de status quo. Man man wat een redenaties.

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Trump is de gevestigde orde nu. En inderdaad beginnen hij en zijn fans wel erg radeloos te worden zoals ze nu om zich heen slaan.

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:16 schreef Japie77 het volgende:

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Dat jij mijn redenatie niet kan volgen zegt me niet zo veel.

Trump is de gevestigde orde nu? Laat me niet lachen man. Zo snel gaan die dingen niet. Je hebt nog veel te leren mbt hoe de wereld werkelijk in elkaar steekt.

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:12 schreef Japie77 het volgende:
Ik ben trouwens absoluut geen Trump fan an sich maar wel omdat hij op dit moment anti status quo is. En de radeloosheid, waanzin, woede etc die dat bij de gevestigde orde en de gevestigde orde lovers veroorzaakt vind ik prachtig om te zien.

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:16 schreef Japie77 het volgende:

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Dat jij mijn redenatie niet kan volgen zegt me niet zo veel.

Trump is de gevestigde orde nu? Laat me niet lachen man. Zo snel gaan die dingen niet. Je hebt nog veel te leren mbt hoe de wereld werkelijk in elkaar steekt.

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:15 schreef ExtraWaskracht het volgende:

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Best leuk dat je dat zo zegt, maar was het niet een Trump supporter die 6 moslims vermoord heeft in Quebec? Zo kunnen we wel bezig blijven natuurlijk. Geweld en hokjesdenken is niet voorbehouden aan 1 deel van het electoraat.

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The shameful Republican assault on Medicaid

In terms of political theatre, Donald Trump’s press conference on Thursday was the event of the week, or maybe the year. Strictly in policy terms, though, it was less important than the media briefing that Paul Ryan, the House Speaker, and other House Republican leaders held, also on Thursday, about their plans to abolish Obamacare and replace it with some version of what we might call Trumpcare, or maybe Trump/Ryancare.

There are still huge questions about what this new system will look like, and when it might be enacted. In a new seventeen-page paper, “Obamacare Repeal and Replace,” the G.O.P. lawmakers outlined proposals that are familiar from a plan that Ryan put out last year. They included expanded health savings accounts, financial aid for the establishment of high-risk pools at the state level, and the replacement of income-based subsidies to purchase individual insurance with universal tax credits.

But the paper also contained some huge gaps. It didn’t say how large the new tax credits would be, or how they and other elements of the reform would be paid for. To pay for its provisions, the 2010 Affordable Care Act levied more than a trillion dollars in tax increases over a decade. The Republican replacement will, in all likelihood, cover millions fewer people than Obamacare, but it will still have to be paid for. Ryan and his colleagues were largely silent on where the tax burden would fall.

For all this deliberate obfuscation, though, House Republicans are now being very clear about one thing: whatever legislation emerges after the Senate and the White House have weighed in, it will almost certainly roll back the Obama Administration’s expansion of Medicaid, the federal health-insurance program for poverty-stricken and low-income households. Under the outline released on Thursday, the current Medicaid system would be replaced by block grants to the states, and the extra federal money that went to Medicaid as part of the A.C.A. would gradually be removed. In effect, the Medicaid expansion would be slowly suffocated.

For some reason, this fact has received less attention than other elements of the Republicans’ approach, such as the replacement of subsidies with tax credits. But in many ways the expansion of Medicaid has been Obamacare’s most successful element. Since the start of 2014, more than sixteen million Americans have been added to the rolls of Medicaid and CHIP, the children’s version of the program. That’s more than the roughly 12.7 million people who bought private insurance plans on government-run exchanges in 2016. The expansion was targeted at working families who aren’t officially in poverty but don’t earn enough to buy even subsidized private insurance plans—roughly speaking, these are households earning less than thirty-five thousand dollars a year—and it has been popular, uncontroversial, and cost-effective. Rolling it back would be cruel, and wrong.

The top-line numbers don’t even tell the full success story. Insuring people through Medicaid is much cheaper than enrolling them in private insurance: the cost differential is at least twenty-five per cent. So the 2014 Medicaid expansion not only played a key role in reducing the percentage of Americans who don’t have any insurance—from 14.3 per cent, in 2013, to 8.6 per cent, in January to March of last year—it did so in an economically efficient manner. Purely on this basis, you might think that Republicans who claim to like value for money would want to preserve the expansion. But, of course, they don’t.

Why not? In public, they claim Medicaid is too bureaucratic, fraud-plagued, and costly. “On its current path, the Medicaid program is on unsustainable financial footing,” the new G.O.P. paper says. “This is not merely a fiscal issue, but an issue that jeopardizes the ability of federal and state government to take care of the most vulnerable who actually rely on the program.”
Although rising health-care costs are a real issue, this argument doesn’t stand up. As health-care programs go, Medicaid is a cheap option, with relatively low costs and low rates of inflation. A recent analysis by the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office predicted that, if current policies are maintained, federal spending on all health-care programs will go from about 5.5 per cent of G.D.P in 2016 to 8.9 per cent in 2046. That’s a big jump. But the great bulk of the increase will be accounted for by the rising cost of Medicare as the population ages. Spending on the expanded version of Medicaid plus the other elements of Obamacare, if they were preserved, would go from 2.3 per cent of G.D.P. to 3.1 per cent—an eminently manageable increase.

Surely the real reason that House Republicans want to roll back the Medicaid expansion is the same reason that nineteen Republican-run states refused to participate in the expansion to begin with. These lawmakers are ideologically opposed to redistributive entitlement programs, and they are in hock to wealthy backers who don’t like paying for them. From this perspective, the fact that the Medicaid reform worked doesn’t justify keeping it: it’s a reason to get rid of it quickly, before public support for it becomes immutable.

Republican leaders are only too aware that once programs like Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid get established, trying to get rid of them, or even downsize them, can be politically toxic. In this instance, Ryan and his colleagues appear to be betting that the Medicaid expansion can be safely reversed because it is still relatively new. There’s no assurance they are right, however, particularly because many of the people who stand to lose out are Trump voters.

Not all Republican-run states spurned the expansion. Some—such as Arizona, Michigan, New Mexico, North Dakota, and Ohio—chose to participate. As a result, many residents of these states now have health-care coverage for the first time in their lives. In other places, such as Arkansas and Kentucky, Republican governors have recently taken over from Democrats who approved the Medicaid expansion, and they have kept it in place. In fact, there are now fourteen Republican-run states that stand to lose a great deal if the Medicaid expansion is scrapped.

Under the approach outlined on Thursday, Ryan and his colleagues would seek to alleviate this problem by removing the federal funding only gradually, and giving states times to adjust. But this idea is already running into fierce opposition from the Republican states that never expanded their Medicaid programs. Why should their residents continue to pay federal taxes that will go to reward states that played footsie with Obama, some of their representatives are asking. In the words of Mark Sanford, a Republican congressman from South Carolina, there is an “incredible tug of war” on the way.

Still, the Republican Party’s internal machinations are a secondary matter. The key point is that G.O.P. leaders are intent on ripping up a successful and affordable reform that helped fill a gaping hole in the social safety net. In the process, they will endanger the health of a lot of Americans who don’t have the resources to protect themselves and their families. And that’s shameful.

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:21 schreef Refragmental het volgende:

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Het enige wat ik boeiend vind aan Trump is dat er eens de bezem door vanalles heen gaat. Veel mensen zijn jarenlang beschermd door mensen hogerop. Die bescherming valt weg.

Wisten jullie overigens dat in de afgelopen 2 weken in de VS meer human traffickers zijn opgepakt ten opzichte van bijvoorbeeld heel 2014. 1500 arrests (in 2weken) tegenover iets van 900 arrests (in heel 2014).

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:21 schreef Nielsch het volgende:

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Trump hoort al decennia lang bij de gevestigde orde van zakenlui en politici die elkaar allerlei gunsten verlenen. Ondanks al zijn woorden gaat Trump daar gewoon mee door. Hou toch op man...

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:24 schreef ExtraWaskracht het volgende:

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1500 arrestaties regel je niet even in een paar weken, daar gaat een mega planning aan vooraf. Zie bv. hier waar in 1 klap 474 mensen in Californië gearresteerd worden. Is niet Trumps verdienste, maar gewoon staand beleid wat is uitgevoerd.

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Op zaterdag 18 februari 2017 11:16 schreef Japie77 het volgende:

Trump is de gevestigde orde nu?