Laten we hypothetisch of feitelijk stellen wat ik een idioot ben en dus minder doordenkend ben dan jij vermoed, vertel wie bedoel je?quote:
quote:Het meest controversiële wetsartikel is dat over de autoriteit en taken van de president. Volgens de motie wordt alle uitvoerende macht van de premier en het kabinet overgedragen aan de president. Daarmee valt een belangrijke controlerende taak van het kabinet weg. Dit artikel werd aangenomen met 340 stemmen voor, en 135 tegen. Ook krijgt Erdogan daarmee de macht om assistenten, ministers en andere hoge officieren aan te wijzen, en ook om hen te ontslaan wanneer hem dat uitkomt.
Daarnaast krijgt hij de macht om decreten uit te vaardigen die betrekking hebben op de uitvoerende macht. Daarbij mogen grondrechten en vrijheden worden uitgesloten. Dit gebeurde ook na de mislukte couppoging in juli, toen Erdogan de noodtoestand uitriep die nog altijd van kracht is.
Dansend naar een dictatuur.quote:Op vrijdag 13 januari 2017 17:49 schreef SpaceOddity het volgende:
De Turkse president Recep Tayyip Erdogan is weer een stapje dichterbij de absolute macht. In de nacht van donderdag op vrijdag heeft het Turkse parlement weer met een aantal hervormingsmaatregelen ingestemd, waarmee de wetgevende macht naar de president wordt overgeheveld.
SPOILEROm spoilers te kunnen lezen moet je zijn ingelogd. Je moet je daarvoor eerst gratis Registreren. Ook kun je spoilers niet lezen als je een ban hebt.dit klinkt goedquote:A strong right-wing alliance on its way in Turkey
I was recently having an informal chat with an important name from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Parti) together with a number of colleagues.
“When are you going to import the MHP?” I asked half-jokingly, referring to the current close cooperation between the AK Parti and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) over the constitutional shift to an executive presidential system, as targeted by President Tayyip Erdoğan.
I was expecting a cool answer pouring cold water on the suggestion and refuting jokes about political partners. But no, the experienced politician responded with a “you got me” smile on his face. He replied with another question, asking “Isn’t that question a bit late?”
Here is the dialogue that followed:
- Could the partnership go as far as a merger under a single roof with a new name?
- I’m not sure about that. But do you think that’s even necessary?
- What do you mean?
- Well, it seems that we [AK Parti] can already do whatever we want together with [the MHP].
- So you will make them share responsibility for every step you take, and vice versa?
- I believe they [MHP] will be relying on us in almost every move they make.
- And if they object to any of your projects, they would risk canceling all the support they have been giving you [AK Parti]?
- (More smiles)
- Can your cooperation be extended from the constitutional shift referendum to parliamentary elections?
- Why not? I wouldn’t rule that out.
This informal chat indicates that a closer and longer range AK Parti-MHP alliance has already been internalized as an approaching possibility on the political horizon.
Just hours after this chat, Prime Minister Binali Yıldırım’s words to private broadcaster Fox TV-Turkey about the possibility of taking ministers from the MHP to the AK Parti government hit the halls of parliament. That would practically amount to a coalition without the formal need for it.
On the same day, Jan. 18, social democratic main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu visited MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli to (in vain) “remind him once again” that the presidential model would lead to “one-man rule in a party-state” Bahçeli had already stated before the meeting that he had said everything he needed to, and would remain in favor of the shift.
The next day, Yıldırım added to his remarks on bringing MHP ministers into the cabinet, saying that in the referendum there would be the AK Parti and the MHP on one side for a “stronger Turkey under the presidential system,” while on the other side there would be the CHP and the Kurdish problem-focused Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP). That is a smart move to give a subliminal message to voters, since the AK Parti denounces the HDP as the legal extension of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), a terrorist organization by law, despite the fact that the objections of the CHP and the HDP against the presidential system differ in motivation, reasoning and policy.
You can read more from Gizem Karakuş’s story in today’s Hürriyet Daily News about how the AK Parti has been planning to carry out a joint referendum campaign with the MHP.
What Prime Minister Yıldırım is pointing to could be the largest front in Turkey’s political system, bringing Islamist, conservative, Turkish nationalist, and center-right voters under one roof.
Turkey has experienced a number of right-wing coalitions in the past, notably the three-party “Nationalist Front” coalitions in the second half of the 1970s between center-right, Islamist and Turkish nationalist parties. However, no such coalition was seen after the 1980 military coup. There was only a brief center-right-Islamist coalition in 1996-97 called “Refah-Yol,” which was brought to an end with resignations due to pressure from the military and judicial establishment of the time, labelled the “post-modern coup.”
If what Yıldırım is pointing to actually happens, an unnamed coalition will be formed incorporating almost all of Turkey’s right-wing tendencies, in the still heated post-July 2016 coup attempt political atmosphere.
The rise of the right in such a form paralels the rise of the right in Europe and elswhere, in line with global tendencies. It also opens up new windows for a new set of political uncertainities.
http://www.hurriyetdailyn(...)108748&NewsCatID=409Ik heb Hem niet uit vrees voor de hel noch uit liefde voor het paradijs gediend, want dan zou ik als de slechte huurling zijn geweest; ik heb hem veeleer gediend in liefde tot Hem en in verlangen naar Hem.
Dit. Maar ik vraag me ondertussen af of het wel eerlijk gaat verlopen en of er niet al een angst cultuur heerstquote:
Even los van de Gulenisten en de PKK-sympathisanten, de grootste oppositiepartij CHP is wel heel fel tegen en zwaar aan het lobbyen. Traditioneel goed voor 25-30% van de stemmen. Dus in principe kunnen ze wel een noemenswaardig cijfer neerzetten.quote:
Nu je het zegt.quote:
Enige wat telt is het resultaat Ik kan ook hier ook stemmen weer waarschijnlijk overigens :pquote:
Tussen de 55% en 60% yay verwacht ik. Potentiële AKP plus MHP electoraat kan dit resultaat zeker bereiken, maar het is zoals je zegt wilt het Turkse volk dit systeem ja of nee. Net als met depresidentiële verkiezingen is dit een uitgelezen kans voor het volk om te laten zien, meer of minder erdo.quote:
Turkey set for tough campaign period ahead of referendum on charter amendmentsquote:AKP faces first test without its ‘campaign brain’ Erol Olçok
The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been victorious in every election and referendum it has entered over the past 15 years, and one of the most important names responsible for this success was the late Erol Olçok, the brains behind the party’s election campaigns.
The April 16 referendum on shifting Turkey to an executive presidential system will be the first time that the AKP has organized a campaign without Olçok, who was killed together with his son Abdullah Tayyip Olçok after they took to the streets against the coup plotters during the July 15, 2016 coup attempt.
The party has formed an eight-member “strategy team” to explain its view of the constitutional package that includes the executive presidential system. This group has expanded to 20 people in some meetings, and has been divided into three as a “discourse group,” “strategy group” and “coordination group.”
Hours-long meetings have been held in Ankara and Istanbul, including meetings attended by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
The most important factor debated in these meetings is the high number of still undecided and confused voters in the last three polls. Among the 20 percent undecided voters, 8 percent are determined as classic AKP voters. Members of this group are dubbed “concerned conservatives,” and includes some who are concerned that the new system could have the unintended consequence of opening the way for a president who could create difficulties for conservatives in the future.
As part of the party’s attempt to address this, it is stressing that a grassroots effort should be conducted through “home visits” by local party members to persuade conservatives who are concerned that the changes would bring about a “one-man regime.”
Recent developments have also been discussed in the AKP campaign preparation meetings. Many of those taking part have suggested that it is a mistake to present those who say “No” in the referendum as if they are “together with terrorists.” The negative effect of recently discharging 330 academics from universities has also been mentioned.
Another aspect discussed was the low motivation of the party’s provincial organizations across the country. Unlike general elections, little enthusiasm has been able to be generated in the AKP’s provincial organizations yet. One party official said he spoke to a room of empty seats at one meeting; another said very few party members have actually read the text of the amendments.
The AKP is keen to take measures to prevent possible negative effects on the campaign of economic struggles and rising unemployment rates, and it is also planning to emphasize the “July 15” anti-coup spirit, stressing the importance of “stability” and a “strong Turkey.”
The party’s referendum campaign will officially kick-off will a gathering at the Ankara Arena on Feb. 25. In the 40-day campaign that will continue until voting on April 16, the strategy will be reviewed in line with polls conducted every 10 days.
Mensen die zeggen dat ze tegen zijn worden nu ontslagen (vooral medewerkers van DHA hebben hier nu last van). Alles om volk dom te houden.quote:Op zondag 12 februari 2017 16:50 schreef Slayage het volgende:
weinig enthousiasme en argwaan bij traditioneel AKP stemmers zijn geen goede signalen voor de grondwetswijziging.
Turkey set for tough campaign period ahead of referendum on charter amendments
Hinting that current polls did not have "yes" in front, Erdogan said the current period is "not right" to carry out polls before parties have taken to the field to campaign.
"At the moment I don't think our people have come to the point where they can understand the presidential system clearly. We have to explain this [presidential system] clearly," he said.